ABRAHAM LINCOLNABAA
189 résultats
1865228501865. No binding. Fine. Broadside. The Nation's Loss. A Poem on the Life and Death of the Hon. Abraham Lincoln. 1865. 1 p. 9 3/4 x 15 1/4 in. 1/2 inch loss at top not affecting text. Headed by an engraving of Lincoln Reverend Peter W. Brister's mourning poem occupies the first two columns and Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation is printed in full in the third column. Brister's poem addressed what Lincoln meant to the nation during the Civil War how he saved the Union and freed the slaves. Below the image of Lincoln it reads ""Late President of the United States Who departed this life in Washington D.C. April 15 1865."" unknown books
186520323<p><b>ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</b>Currier & Ives. Lithograph New York 1865. In 24 x 29 in. hand-gilt frame. </p><p>From the hairs on Lincoln's head to the fabric of his suit this lithograph is a beautifully detailed rendering and remains even with a few areas of foxing a commanding showpiece.</p><p><b>Historical Background</b></p><p>The copyright date of <i>"1865"</i> along the bottom edge suggests that this oversized portrait was created to honor either Lincoln's second presidential term or his untimely death.</p><p>Lithographer <b>Nathaniel Currier</b> 1813-1888 and artist <b>James Merritt Ives</b>1824-1895 formed Currier & Ives in New York City in 1857 to publish art prints. The company closed in 1907 after the deaths of its founders when business had declined due to new printing technologies and changing artistic tastes.</p><p><b>Condition</b></p><p>There are a few areas of light age toning. It is displayed in a vintage frame not contemporary to 1865 as we bought it so it is not guaranteed to be archival.</p> books
186625617.02<p>An engraving by Alexander Hay Ritchie commemorates the moment Lincoln first presented the Emancipation Proclamation to his Cabinet.</p> <b>ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</b>Print. <i>The First Reading of the Emancipation Proclamation Before the Cabinet</i>. Engraved by Alexander Hay Ritchie after 1864 painting of Francis Bicknell Carpenter. New York: Alexander H. Ritchie 1866. 36 x 24 in.<p><b><br /></b></p><p><b>Francis Bicknell Carpenter</b> 1830-1900 a New York artist was so impressed with Lincoln's bold act that he recruited Illinois Congressman and abolitionist Owen Lovejoy to arrange a White House sitting. Carpenter met Lincoln on February 6 1864 and was allowed to set up a studio in the State Dining Room. Carpenter set his painting in Lincoln's office which also served as the Cabinet Room. Lincoln reportedly told Carpenter where each person was seated on the day he read them the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. The artist was delighted that their placement was "entirely consistent with my purpose." To the left of Lincoln were Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton and Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase the most radical members of his cabinet. A portrait of former Secretary of War Simon Cameron is also on the left of the painting. To the right of Lincoln around the table are Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles Secretary of the Interior Caleb Smith Secretary of State William H. Seward Postmaster General Montgomery Blair and Attorney General Edward Bates the more conservative members of Lincoln's advisers. Lincoln sat at the head of the table between the two groups "but the uniting point of both" according to Carpenter.</p><p>After a temporary exhibit in the White House and Capitol in 1864 the fifteen-foot wide painting toured the country. Carpenter offered the painting to Congress which refused to make an appropriation for it. In 1877 Elizabeth Thompson of New York purchased the painting for $25000 and offered it to the nation. Congress formally accepted the gift on the sixty-ninth anniversary of Lincoln's birth. It hangs in the U.S. Senate. In 1866 book Carpenter also published a book <i>Six Months at the White House with Abraham Lincoln</i>.</p><p>This lithographic print by Scottish-born <b>Alexander H. Ritchie</b>1822-1895 captured and popularized Carpenter's painting before Carpenter made a series of alterations to the original most significantly in revising Lincoln's head and moving the quill pen from near Seward to in Lincoln's hand.</p><p>The National Portrait Gallery has a ledger page signed by Lincoln Stanton Chase Seward Wells and other members of Lincoln's administration ordering proof copies of Ritchie's print.</p><p><b>Historical Background</b></p><p>On July 22 Lincoln read a draft of his preliminary Emancipation Proclamation to his entire cabinet. In contrast to the Confiscation Acts of 1861 and 1862 the Emancipation Proclamation addressed only property in slaves and liberated all slaves in areas in rebellion not only those of rebellious masters. At Seward's urging Lincoln agreed to withhold announcing it until the Union forces had achieved a victory so that it did not appear especially to European observers to be the desperate act of a losing war effort.</p><p>Two months later when Union troops stopped Confederate General Robert E. Lee's invasion of Maryland at Antietam Creek Lincoln finally had his opportunity. On September 22 1862 Lincoln issued his Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation giving the South 100 days to end the rebellion or face losing their slaves. On both sides of the Mason-Dixon Line Lincoln's order was condemned as a usurpation of property rights and an effort to start racial warfare.</p><p>When the South failed to acquiesce Lincoln as promised issued the final Emancipation Proclamation on January 1 1863. With this Executive Order he took a decisive stand on the most contentious issue in American history redefined the Union's goals and strategy and sounded the death knell for slavery. The full text of his proclamation reveals the major issues of the Civil War: slave labor as a Confederate resource; slavery as a central war issue; the status of African Americans who escaped to Union lines; courting border states; Constitutional and popular constraints on emancipation; hopes of reunion; questions of Northern acceptance of black soldiers; and America's place in a world moving toward abolition. The President took the action "sincerely believed to be an act of justice" knowing that it might cost Republicans in the fall 1862 elections.</p><p>The final Proclamation showed Lincoln's own progression on the issue of slavery and eliminated earlier references to colonizing freed blacks and compensating slave owners for voluntary emancipation. It also added provisions for black military enlistment. Pausing before he signed the final Proclamation Lincoln reportedly said: "I never in my life felt more certain that I was doing right than I do in signing this paper."</p><p><b>Condition</b></p><p>Toned and slightly cropped.</p> books
186122671<p><b>ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</b>Book. <i>Message of the President of the United States to the Two Houses of Congress. Volume 1</i> Washington: Government Printing Office 1861. 839 pp. 5¾ x 8¾ in. </p><b>Excerpt</b><p><i>"A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect abroad and one party if not both is sure sooner or later to invoke foreign intervention. </i></p><p><i> Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition although measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious to those adopting them. </i></p><p><i> The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably expected.</i></p><p><i> It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely if not exclusively a war upon the first principle of popular government--the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and maturely considered public documents as well as in the general tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the existing right of suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to participate in the selection of public officers except the legislative boldly advocated with labored arguments to prove that large control of the people in government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people. </i></p><p><i> In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism."</i></p><p><b>Historical Background</b></p><p>President Lincoln's first message to Congress in 1861 immediately follows the title page. In the first year of both his presidency and the Civil War Lincoln criticizes disloyal citizens who are trying to ruin the country. He acknowledges that the Confederates firing on Fort Sumter ended hope of a peaceful solution and expresses his confidence in General McClellan. Lincoln also expounds on the foreign affairs the relationship of labor to capital and reports on domestic commerce and other affairs. The remainder of the book is over 400 pages of papers relating to foreign affairs and correspondence with other nations and diplomats. The second half of the book is made up of the Reports of the Secretaries of the Interior War Navy and Postmaster General.</p><p><b>Condition </b></p><p>Good. Original cloth boards with U.S. seal and titled spine some slight chipping and wear to boards and spine binding a little loose and front endpaper almost detached hinges a bit weak but still firm some aging but generally clean internally.</p> hardcover books
184822094.01 -.02<p>Lincoln's spot resolution and speech condemns the pretexts for starting the war with Mexico. He requests proof from President Polk that American blood was shed on American soil and that the enemy provoked the Americans and he asks if those Americans present were ordered there by the United States Army.</p> <b>ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</b>Newspaper. <i>National Intelligencer</i> Thursday December 23 1847. Washington: Gales & Seaton . 4 pp. Offered with another issue of the <i>National Intelligencer</i> January 20 1848. 4 pp.<p><b><br /></b></p><p><b>Excerpts:</b></p><p><b>December 23 1847 issue</b></p><p>Page 2 bottom of first column to second column</p><p><i>Mr. LINCOLN moved the following preamble and resolutions which were read and laid over under the rule:</i></p><p><i> Whereas the President of the United States in his message of May 11 1846 has declared that "the Mexican Government not only refused to receive him the envoy of the United States or listen to his propositions but after a long-continued series of menaces have at last invaded </i>our territory<i> and shed the blood of our fellow citizens on</i> our own soil<i>."</i></p><p><i> And again in his message of December 8 1846 that "we had ample cause of war against Mexico long before the breaking out of hostilities; but even we forbore to take redress into our own hands until Mexico herself became the aggressor by invading </i>our soil <i>in hostile array and shedding the blood of our citizens."</i></p><p><i> And yet again in his message of December 7 1847.</i></p><p> Resolved by the House of Representatives<i> that the President of the United States be respectfully requested to inform this House—</i></p><p><i> 1st. Whether the spot on which the blood of our citizens was shed as in his messages declared was or was not within the territory of Spain at least after the treaty of 1819 until the Mexican Revolution.</i></p><p><i> 2d. Whether that spot is or is not within the territory which was wrested from Spain by the revolutionary Government of Mexico. </i></p><p><i> 3d. Whether that spot is or is not within a settlement of people which settlement has existed ever since long before the Texas revolution and until its inhabitants fled before the approach of the United States army.</i></p><p> <i>4th. Whether that settlement is or is not isolated from any and all other settlements by the Gulf and the Rio Grande on the south and west and by wide uninhabited regions on the north and east.</i></p><p><i> 5th. Whether the people of that settlement or a majority of them have ever submitted themselves to the government or laws of Texas or of the United States by consent or by compulsion either by accepting office or voting at elections or paying tax or serving on juries or having process served upon them or in any other way.</i></p><p><i> 6th . Whether the people of that settlement did or did not flee from the approach of the United States army leaving unprotected their homes and their growing crops </i>before<i> the blood was shed as in the messages stated; and whether the first blood so shed was or was not shed within the enclosure of one of the people who had thus fled from it. </i></p><p><i> 7th. Whether our </i>citizens<i> whose blood was shed as in his messages declared were or were not at that time armed officers and soldiers sent into that settlement by the military order of the President through the Secretary of War.</i></p><p><i> 8th. Whether the military force of the United States was or was not so sent into that settlement after Gen. Taylor had more than once intimated to the War Department that in his opinion no such movement was necessary to the defense or protection of Texas. </i></p><p><i> Several resolutions of inquiry were here offered my Messrs. GEORGE S. HOUSTON W.P. HALL PHELPS GREEN McCLELLAND and KAUFMAN which are omitted for want of room.</i></p><p><b>January 20 1848 issue: </b></p><p>Page 2 bottom of 3rd column thru 6th column. In this lengthy address Lincoln questions President Polk's judgment regarding the aims and prosecution of the war in Mexico putting it in the context of the American Revolution: <i>"Texas revolutionized against Mexico and became the owner of something…if she got it in any way she got it by revolution; one of the most sacred of rights—the right which he believed was yet to emancipate the world; the right of a people if they have a government they do not like to rise and shake it off…He talked like an insane man. He did not propose to give Mexico any credit at all for the country we had already conquered; he proposed to take more than he asked for last fall…"</i></p><p>Additional news: page 2 middle of 4th column prints a lively senatorial debate involving Jefferson Davis. Page 3 bottom of 2nd column <i>"Mr. LINCOLN from the same committee reported a bill for the relief of William Fuller and Orlando Saltmarsh. Read and committed." </i>Page 4 middle of 3rd column <i>"By Mr. LINCOLN: A bill to amend an act entitled 'An Act to raise for a limited time an additional military force and for other purposes' approved February 11 1847."</i> This act gave the president permission to raise one regiment of dragoons and nine regiments of infantry to be used in the war with Mexico. In addition the act dealt with the logistics of each regiment such as raising the pay for field surgeons or adding a quartermaster to each regiment.</p> books
186330001.20<p>Contains Lincoln's entire 1863 Message to Congress where he reaffirmed his commitment to emancipation as well as His Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction which laid out a plan to return the rebellious states to the Union fold. Commonly called the "Ten Percent Plan" it allowed for a state to hold new elections when 10% of its 1860 voters took a loyalty oath to the Union.</p> <b>ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</b>Newspaper. <i>New York Times</i> New York N.Y. Dec. 10 1863 with <i>"Supplement to The New York Times"</i> complete with its own masthead. 12 pp. 14¾ x 21 in.<p><b><br /></b></p><p><b>Excerpt</b></p><p>"<i>To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish a lever of power but would also be a cruel and an astounding breach of faith. I may add at this point that while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation or by any of the acts of Congress.</i>"</p><p><b>Historical Background</b></p><p>Throughout the fall of 1863 eventual Union victory became increasingly clear and on December 8 1863 Lincoln issued his Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction. This lenient plan that offered citizens of the rebellious states full pardons voting and property rights except possession of slaves encouraged the states to begin addressing the issue of the freedmen and women without compromising their rights and allowed a former Confederate state to hold elections and form a pro-Union government once 10% of the number of voters in the 1860 election swore loyalty oaths. Commonly called the "Ten Percent Plan" it reflected both Lincoln's charitable view of Reconstruction as well as the reality that heavy penalties denial of voting and property rights to rebels and impoverishing the South was no way to rebuild a nation after a war fought at least initially to preserve the Union.</p> books
186325464<p>"<i>I esteem Gov. Francis Thomas as an able and very true man. I do not know that he agrees with me in everything—perhaps he does not; but he has given me evidence of sincere friendship & as I think of patriotism.</i>"</p> <b>ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</b>Autograph Letter Signed to Robert C. Schenck May 31 1863 Washington D.C. 1 p.<p><b><br /></b></p><p><b>Complete Transcript</b></p><p><i>Private</i></p><p><i>Executive Mansion</i></p><p> <i>Washington May 31 1863.</i></p><p><i>Major Gen. Schenck</i></p><p><i>Baltimore Md.</i></p><p> <i>I have been requested to say what I very truly can that I esteem Gov. Francis Thomas as an able and very true man. I do not know that he agrees with me in everything—perhaps he does not; but he has given me evidence of sincere friendship & as I think of patriotism.</i></p><p><i>Yours truly</i></p><p><i>A. Lincoln.</i></p><p><b>Historical Background</b></p><p>Lincoln had served in Congress together with fellow Whig Robert C. Schenck in the 1840s and made Schenck a Major General at the beginning of the war. Severely wounded at the Second Battle of Bull Run in August 1862 Schenck was given command of the Middle Department. He firmly supported the Unconditional Unionists from his headquarters in Baltimore and despite the necessity of tact in the politically sensitive border state of Maryland had little tolerance for middle ground.</p><p>In July 1861 Secretary of War Simon Cameron with the president's encouragement had authorized Thomas to raise four regiments of loyal citizens from western Maryland for the protection of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal. A month later Thomas recommended and Lincoln endorsed three officers for the 1st Maryland Regiment Potomac Home Guard.</p><p>In early September 1862 Thomas sent Lincoln a lengthy private letter: "Our acquaintance is very limited…and it may be presumptuous in me to write this letter." Nevertheless he continued "In my humble judgment <u>all</u> the evils now threatening seriously the utter ruin of the country are to be traced to the error consumatted in the organization of your Cabinet. There is not so far as my knowledge extends at the head of any one of the Departments a single individual who has come into your Administration under the right influences…" "Now I have watched with the deepest anxiety" Thomas informed Lincoln "all or nearly all of your difficulties have their origin in the fact that you have Presidential aspirants in your cabinet and Presidential aspirants in your own party outside of your cabinet all of whom have their partisans in the Senate and House of Representatives." The "vast interests at stake" demanded that Lincoln reorganize his cabinet and announce his own candidacy for reelection.</p><p>Two months later Lincoln's cabinet crisis reached a boiling point when Radical Republican senators demanded Secretary of State William H. Seward's resignation. Lincoln called the senators to a meeting with every member of the cabinet except Seward who had offered his resignation. Lincoln asked if the cabinet had freely debated issues and offered input before important decisions were made. The cabinet agreed that they had. Chase who had painted a picture to the senators of Seward and Lincoln running roughshod over the cabinet was cleverly chastened and offered his resignation. Lincoln refused the resignations of Seward and Chase thus maintaining intact his now famous "team of rivals" and keeping the senate at bay.</p><p>Despite his criticism Thomas was also supportive. On April 23 1863 he was one of the speakers at a mass meeting of Unconditional Union men of Allegany County Maryland. Thomas "accorded to President Lincoln the purest motives and a patriotic determination to crush the rebellion and restore peace and prosperity to the country. He said that power and responsibility must rest somewhere and that he was willing to confide in the President and sustain him to the fullest extent in carrying out the measures adopted by Congress for prosecuting the war. He spoke of the emancipation proclamation of the President as a retaliatory measure for the confiscation acts of the southern conspirators and said it was a war measure calculated to subdue the rebels who had raised the standard of rebellion without any justifiable cause."</p><p>Despite the unsolicited advice and criticism Lincoln offered this honest testimonial. It isn't clear if this answered a request of Thomas or a mutual contact or if Lincoln wrote it to send Thomas with his own purpose in mind. In mid-April Schenck who had a reputation for ham-handed harshness ordered at least eight persons charged with "using treasonable language" or "disloyal practices" in Baltimore to be exiled to the South. Less than a week later he had two newspaper editors from smaller towns in Maryland sent South for "having published treasonable articles." On May 28 three days before Lincoln penned this letter Schenck and Maryland Governor Augustus W. Bradford visited Pennsylvania Governor Andrew G. Curtin in Harrisburg to discuss "the more effectual protection of the southern borders of Pennsylvania and Maryland against any further incursions of rebel cavalry." Schenck and the two governors then left for Washington. Within a month the entire Confederate Army of Northern Virginia was in Pennsylvania heading for a conflict at Gettysburg.</p><p>In mid-July 1863 a few weeks after writing this private letter Lincoln told his secretary John Hay that General Henry W. Halleck "thinks Schenck never had a military idea & never will learn one. however you may doubt or disagree with Halleck he is very apt to be right in the end."</p><p>Schenck resigned from the army in December 1863 after again winning election to Congress. On the other hand Lincoln maintained his trust of Thomas.</p><p>On July 5 1864 Confederate General Jubal Early crossed the Potomac River at Harper's Ferry with a corps of the Army of Northern Virginia aiming at Washington. General Lew Wallace's determined resistance near Frederick Maryland delayed the advance by a day providing defenders in Washington critical time to prepare. After the Confederate army withdrew into Virginia on July 14 Major General David Hunter ordered the provost marshal in Frederick to arrest "all male secessionists with their families" and force those who had given "undue sympathy" to the Confederates to sell their furniture for the benefit of Union families who had lost possessions during the incursion and to seize the sympathizers' houses for government use. By August 1 Major John I. Yellott had placed twenty-three southern sympathizers and their families under house arrest.</p><p>On August 3 Lincoln ordered the Secretary of War to suspend Hunter's order and have Hunter send a report of the charges against each individual. Hunter requested to be relieved of command a wish that was soon granted.On August 13 Thomas protested to fellow Marylander and Postmaster General Montgomery Blair writing that the arrests of "quiet inoffensive citizens who have not publicly given by words or acts encouragement to the enemy cannot but be mischievous." The President asked Thomas to investigate.</p><p>In September Thomas reported back. With the exception of two already discharged and two others charged with "a grave offence" who "ought to have an opportunity to establish their innocence" Thomas recommended that the President order the release of all the others on the list. Thomas followed up later that year reporting that specific charges had been made against only John W. Baughman an editor of the <i>Republican Citizen</i>newspaper in Frederick who had been sent South and against John Ruck and Isaack Ruck who were like the others on the list still under arrest at their homes in Frederick. On January 21 1865 Lincoln ordered all but Baughman discharged.</p><p>Lincoln's unmatched ability to take advice from all sides and to work with capable men whose own ambitions sometimes conflicted with Lincoln's views is reflected in our letter.</p><p><b>Robert C. Schenck</b> 1809-1890 was born in Ohio and graduated from Miami University in 1827. He received a master's degree in 1830 studied law under Thomas Corwin and gained admission to the bar in 1831. He moved to Dayton Ohio and opened a successful law practice. After serving in the state legislature he represented his district in Congress from 1841 to 1851 when President Millard Fillmore appointed him as U.S. Minister to Brazil. Schenck served there until 1853. In 1859 he gave perhaps the first public endorsement of Lincoln for the Presidency in a speech in Dayton. At the beginning of the Civil War Lincoln commissioned Schenck as a brigadier general and he served in both Battles of Bull Run and in the 1862 Valley Campaign. He was wounded at the Second Battle of Bull Run and held an administrative post in Maryland while recovering. He resigned his commission in December 1863 after election to Congress where he served again until 1871. President Ulysses S. Grant appointed him as U.S. Minister to Great Britain a position he held until 1876 though his involvement in an American mining scandal left him thoroughly discredited.</p><p><b>Francis Thomas</b> 1799-1876 was born in Frederick County Maryland attended college in Annapolis and was admitted to the bar in 1820. He began a practice in Frankville in western Maryland and served in the state legislature in 1822 1827 and 1829. From 1831 to 1833 he served in the U.S. House of Representatives. Thomas served as governor of Maryland from 1842 to 1845 but his term and political future was marred by his public and contentious divorce from his much younger wife Sally Campbell Preston McDowell the daughter of the governor of Virginia.Thomas was a strong opponent of slavery which was unusual in a border state like Maryland. Defeated for reelection in 1844 he served in the state constitutional convention of 1850. He was again elected to Congress in 1860 serving until 1869 as a Unionist an Unconditional Unionist and then a Republican. From 1870 to 1872 he was collector of internal revenue for Maryland and then U.S. Minister to Peru from 1872 to 1875. He was killed when struck by a locomotive near his estate in Frankville.</p> books
186022476Columbus OH 1860. Hardcover. Fine. Book. Political Debates Between Hon. Abraham Lincoln and Hon. Stephen A. Douglas in the Celebrated Campaign of 1858 in Illinois. Columbus Ohio: Follett Foster and Co. 1860. 3rd edition with publisher's advertisements bound in. 268 pp. 6 1/2 x 9 1/2 in. Historical BackgroundLincoln's debates with incumbent Illinois Senator Stephen Douglas earned him national prominence. Slavery was the pressing national issue especially regarding its expansion into the western territories. Douglas authored the Kansas-Nebraska Act 1854 which effectively repealed the free-slave dividing line set by the Missouri Compromise 1820 at 36° 30' north latitude. Instead of banning slavery north of the line and banning south of it new states would instead decide on slavery's status within their borders by ""popular sovereignty."" On its surface Douglas's bill appeared to offer the nation a middle path on the contentious issue of slavery. Instead it would only muddy the waters on slavery.The Kansas-Nebraska Act was only one of a long list of compromises in the middle decades of the nineteenth century. Despite these attempts the slavery debate only became more heated throughout the 1850s. Northerners seeing the hypocrisy of ""states rights"" advocates chafed when a new Fugitive Slave Act 1850 required the use of federal marshals to return escaped slaves. An unintended consequence of Douglas's bill resulted in fraudulent elections and violence in Kansas in 1855 and 1856. South Carolina Representative Preston Brooks bludgeoned Massachusetts anti-slavery Senator Charles Sumner on the Senate floor after an 1856 speech. In 1857 the Supreme Court handed down the Dred Scott decision which decreed that African Americans could not be citizens and based on one's right to bring property across state lines effectively erased the division between free and slave states. Slavery unspoken but protected in the Constitution and mitigated by antebellum compromisers was a tinderbox about to roar to fire.Lincoln recognized the problems slavery presented for the nation and in his debates with Douglas focused his attention on the nationalization of slavery both West and North. After he was nominated as the Republican candidate for the Senate he spoke to the convention famously asserting that ""a house divided against itself cannot stand."" The House Divided speech delivered at Springfield Illinois on June 17 1858 is the opening piece of this book. Though he would lose the Senate race the rest of the book details Lincoln's intellectual combat with Douglas over slavery. This book is a third edition identified by the line over publisher's imprint on the back of the title page the numeral ""2"" at bottom of page 13 and publisher's advertisements bound in at head.Harrison Yerkes 1841-1899 enlisted as soon as the Civil War erupted but since he was under 21 years of age in 1861 his father removed him from service. As soon as he reached the age of majority he enlisted in the 31st Michigan Infantry Company and remained in the Army for the remained of the war. He returned to Michigan purchased two tracts of land which he farmed until retiring in 1891. He was a lifelong Republican though never held office.ConditionLight green boards faded blind stamped gilt lettering on spine ""Harrison Yerkes Northville Mich 1860"" erased from free front endpaper same present minus date on verso of ffep bep and back paste down. Very minor scattered foxing. Publishers advertisements bound into headmatter Minor shelf wear. Tight.SourcesPaul Leake History of Detroit Volume II Chicago: Lewis 1912 pp. 765.http://books.google.com/booksid=ZkUOAQAAMAAJ&pg=PA765&lpg=PA765&dq=harrisonyerkes&source=bl&ots=B-C-cmyauC&sig=gYKZ0sLD9AIMK2XCYuUZOEFn6eA&hl=en&ei=Wq7oTpO-CsLx0gHdisX-Bg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=8&sqi=2&ved=0CEwQ6AEwBw#v=onepage&q=harrison%20yerkes&f=false hardcover books
186421371<p><i>Report of the Select Committee Relative to the Soldier's National Cemetery Together with the Accompanying Documents as Reported to the House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania March 31 1864.</i></p> <b>ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</b>Book. Includes a foldout map of the planned cemetery and a copy of Lincoln's dedication. Published in Harrisburg 1864. Fair condition. <br /> hardcover books
183624346.991836. No binding. Fine. Autograph Letter Signed to Mary S. Owens December 13 1836 2 pp. 9 3/4 x 7 3/4 in. ""Write back as soon as you get this and if possible say something that will please me for really I have not been pleased since I left you.""Here Lincoln perfectly demonstrates what Owens later described as deficiencies ""in those little links which make up the chain of a woman's happiness."" Rather than expressing his feelings for Owens Lincoln complains about his health and discusses political issues swirling in the Illinois General Assembly. Although inept at love the letter offers rare insight into the young representative's thoughts on a variety of political issues. In this highly important letter to Mary Owens a self-absorbed Lincoln complains to his potential spouse of his health both physical and mental and discusses political issues to the point that he describes his own letter as ""dry and stupid."" Perhaps more revealing than he realized it illustrates the tension in Lincoln's early life between matters of the head with which he was comfortable and matters of the heart with which he clearly was not. Complete Transcript Vandalia Decr 13. 1836Mary I have been sick ever since my arrival here or I should have written sooner. It is but little difference however as I have verry little even yet to write. And more the longer I can avoid the mortification of looking in the Post Office for your letter and not finding it the better. You see I am mad about that old letter yet. I dont like verry well to risk you again. I'll try you once more anyhow. The new State House is not yet finished and consequently the legislature is doing little or nothing. The Governor delivered an inflamitory political message and it is expected there will be some sparring between the parties about it as soon as the two Houses get to business. Taylor delivered up his petitions for the New County to one of our members this morning. I am told that he despairs of its success on account of all the members from Morgan County opposing it. There are names enough on the petitions I think to justify the members from our county in going for it; but if the members from Morgan oppose it which they say they will the chance will be bad. Our chance to take the seat of Government to Springfield is better than I expected. An Internal Improvement Convention was held here since we met which recommended a loan of several millions of dollars on the faith of the state to construct Rail Roads. Some of the legislature are for it and some against it; which has the majority I can <2> not tell. There is great strife and struggling for the office of U.S. Senator here at this time. It is probable we shall ease their pains in a few days. The opposition men have no candidate of their own and consequently they smile as complacently at the angry snarls of the contending Van Buren candidates and their respective friends as the Christian does at Satan's rage. You recollect I mentioned in the outset of this letter that I had been unwell. That is the fact though I belive I am about well now; but that with other things I can not account for have conspired and have gotten my spirits so low that I feel that I would rather be any place in the world than here. I really can not endure the thought of staying here ten weeks. Write back as soon as you get this and if possible say something that will please me for really I have not been pleased since I left you. This letter is so dry and stupid that I am ashamed to send it but with my present feelings I can not do any better. Give my respects to Mr & Mrs Abell and family. Your friend LincolnMiss Mary S. OwensHistoric BackgroundThis is one of the ten oldest Lincoln letters known to have survived. Although 11 leaves 9 of which are in institutions from Lincoln's educational sum book a few documents written or signed by Abraham Lincoln in 1832 relating to his service in the Black Hawk War again mos. See website for full description books
186323743<p>In this creative pamphlet Lincoln stands trial before a jury of his "peers" former presidents and statesmen from American history including Stephen A. Douglas Daniel Webster Henry Clay John Hancock Patrick Henry Gouverneur Morris Alexander Hamilton John C. Calhoun James Madison George Mason Elbridge Gerry Andrew Jackson Thomas Jefferson George Washington and William Gaston. The author compiles passages from their speeches in mock dialogue with the defendant Lincoln as they contradict his defenses against their charges.</p> <b>ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</b>Pamphlet. <i>Trial of Abraham Lincoln by the Great Statesmen of the Republic. A Council of the Past on the Tyranny of the Present. The Spirit of the Constitution on the Bench—Abraham Lincoln Prisoner at the Bar his own Counsel.</i> New York: Office of the Metropolitan Record 1863. Original printed wrappers stitched. 29 3 pp. First Edition.<p><b><br /></b></p><p><b>Excerpts:</b></p><p>"<i>George Washington the father of the American Union who was surrounded by the great statesmen of the Revolution and by others of a still later date…had assembled for the trial of the present incumbent … on charges of the gravest and most serious character. the Spirit of the Constitution…occupied the bench of Justice.</i>" 4-5</p><p>"<i>Abraham Lincoln is herein charged with treasonable intent purposes and designs in having committed the following unconstitutional acts in the course of his administration:</i></p><p>"<i>1. In having declared war against independent and sovereign States under the pretence of repossessing himself of certain forts and other property seized and held by said States.</i></p><p>"<i>2. In having arrested citizens of the United States and incarcerated them in Government bastiles without process of law.</i></p><p>"<i>3. In having suppressed the liberty of speech thereby denying to the citizen the Constitutional right of criticizing the acts of his Administration.</i></p><p>"<i>4. In having prohibited and stopped the publication of certain newspapers for the exercise of the same right referred to in the preceding charge.</i></p><p>"<i>5. In having placed the military above the civil power as shown in the establishment of martial law over portions of the country which were not embraced within the theatre of war.</i></p><p>"<i>6. In overthrowing State sovereignty as in the case of Virginia the integrity of which was violated by the erection of the so-called State of Kanawha within its limits.</i></p><p>"<i>7. In having approved indorsed and partially carried into execution the unconstitutional act of Congress known as the Confiscation Bill.</i></p><p>"<i>8. In having approved of the infamous law known as the Conscription Act which was not only subversive of the Constitution but violative of State sovereignty.</i></p><p>"<i>9. <b>In having attempted to carry into execution the Emancipation Act thereby violating the most sacred guarantees of the Constitution.</b></i> 5-6</p><p>"<i>The criminal looked around the court and on the faces of the assembled patriots of the past but as they returned his gaze they shuddering averted their heads. Then the Spirit of the Constitution addressing him spoke as follows:</i></p><p>"<i>'You have been tried and found wanting. You have been given the opportunity of saving a nation but you have stabbed it to the heart. You were born in the freest country under the sun but you have converted it into a despotism. You have violated your oath; you have betrayed the trust reposed in you by the popular will and to the outraged justice of your countrymen I now leave you with the brand of "Tyrant" upon your brow. They will hereafter inflict upon you that penalty which justice demands while history will pronounce its judgment upon the infamous acts of your Administration.'</i>" 28-29</p><p><b>Historical Background</b></p><p>Contemporaries historians and others have criticized Lincoln for violating state sovereignty freedom of speech and freedom of the press for suspending habeas corpus and imposing martial law. All of these charges figure prominently in this ghostly trial of the President.</p><p>The publisher and possibly author of this pamphlet was John Mulally the Irish-born editor and proprietor of the <i>Metropolitan Record</i> a weekly Catholic family newspaper published from 1859 to 1868 in New York City. From 1859 to March 1863 it was the official organ of the Archbishop John Hughes of New York. Catholic critics accused it of taking an "open and avowedly treasonable course…since the war broke out; but more especially since the President issued his Emancipation Proclamation" and of forcing Archbishop Hughes to withdraw his support.</p><p><i>The Indiana State Sentinel</i> a Democratic newspaper published in Indianapolis printed much of the pamphlet on its front page declaring it "perhaps the most thorough and effective exposition of the terrible character and extent of the departure of the present Administration from the word and spirit of the fathers of the Constitution that has yet been put in print."</p><p>In 1863 authorities arrested Baltimore booksellers Michael J. Kelly and John B. Piet publishers of the <i>Catholic Mirror</i> for printing works of a "treasonable character." On May 23 1864 Provost Marshal detectives again arrested Kelly and Piet and searched their store. Among the "inflammable matter" found were 97 copies of <u>this</u>pamphlet envelopes with rebel flags 57 packs of playing cards with Confederate officers and some 212 Confederate photographs. The authorities imprisoned Kelly and Piet in Fort McHenry. On May 28 Kelly's son received permission to reopen the store and authorities allowed the press to resume publication of the <i>Catholic Mirror</i> on May 30 while Kelly and Piet awaited trial. On June 1 and 2 Major General Lew Wallace ordered Kelly and Piet released if they each posted a $5000 security bond not to violate any departmental regulations.</p><p>In March 1864 Major General William S. Rosecrans a Catholic commander of the Department of the Missouri ordered the Provost Marshal General in St. Louis to seize all issues of the <i>Metropolitan Record</i> to prohibit further distribution of the newspaper in that department and to punish all vendors who sold or distributed issues of the newspaper knowing their "traitorous contents." Rosecrans had read enough in the <i>Metropolitan Record</i> to satisfy himself that "no reasonable freedom nor even license of the press suffice for the traitorous utterances in those articles" and that they were "a libel on the Catholics who as a body are loyal and national." In November 1864 Major General Hugh Ewing commanding the District of Kentucky likewise banned the circulation of the <i>Metropolitan Record</i> and seven other newspapers in his district.</p><p>In the midst of the 1864 presidential election campaign the <i>Metropolitan Record</i>advertised for canvassers to sell this as "the great campaign pamphlet of the day." Mulally later reportedly repudiated McClellan as the Democratic nominee favoring a peace candidate instead.</p><p>111 Eberstadt 332. Monaghan 252. Sabin 41234. LCP 10399.</p><p><b>Condition</b></p><p>Margin dusting to the front wrapper Very Good.</p> Office of the Metropolitan Record paperback books
181046955Cambridge: E.W. Metcalf and Company 1810. Paperback. Good. viii 103pp. String bound signatures with some loss to the edges especially the last page else good. <br/><br/>Sabin 10125. E.W. Metcalf and Company paperback books
18921323271Paris: Gauthier -Villars et fils 1892. Hardcover. Quarto; G condition hardcover; Text in French; Quarter leather binding with green spine and red label with gold text; Boards have severe rubbing and bumping to the corners and edges rear board detached but present; front paste down has an inch square label with the name and address of the previous owner; Text block is age-toned with considerable foxing on limited pages; pages are also have minimally tanned otherwise volume is very legible; 112p. Please see all five photos for details. Book now kept in protective bag.<br /> <br /> <p> Oversized order. Additional shipping and handling may be necessary for expedited/international orders. Economy international shipping unavailable due to size/weight restrictions. Contact seller if you have any questions.<br /> <br /> <p>NOTE: Shelved in Netdesk office in bookcase next to Ephemera section. 1323271. FP New Rockville Stock. Gauthier -Villars et fils hardcover books
18811331695á¹¾ilna Vilnius: Defus Sh. Y. Fin A. Ts. Rosenḳrants M.M. Shrifá¹zeá¹tser 1881. Hardcover. Quarto 292 pages; VG-; newly rebound in quarter blue leather blue cloth covered boards paneled spine with burgundy label and gilt titling; page edges brittle pages age-toned; upper fore corner of first 96 pages clipped; text in Yiddish; scarce; shelved case 4. Isaac Aboab was an early 14th century Spanish Talmudic scholar and Kabbalist. "The Menorah of Light" is a collection of midrashic sermons. Per the Jewish Encyclopedia: "It has won considerable fame for the author though in his humility he assures his readers that he composed it chiefly for his own use as a public speaker. But besides this it has contributed probably more than any other medieval book to the popularization of rabbinical lore and to the religious edification and elevation of the masses. It belongs to that class of ethical works which sprang up in the thirteenth century in a time of reaction against the one-sided manner in which the Talmudic studies had been previously pursued.'. It was published with a Spanish translation Leghorn 1657 with a Hebrew commentary and a Judæo-German translation by Moses Frankfurter Amsterdam 1701 with a modern German translation by Fürstenthal and Behrend Krotoschin 1844-46. It was translated also into Yiddish Wilna 1880.";. 1331695. Shelved Dupont Bookstore. Defus Sh. Y. Fin, A. Ts. Rosenḳrants, M.M. Shrifá¹zeá¹tser hardcover books
