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170751058Cantabrigiæ Cambridge: Typis academicis; Londini London impensis Benj. Tooke 1707. First edition. 8vo. viii 343 1 pp. 19th century full diced calf spine with raised bands gilt lettered black label blind tooled borders to the boards ownership inscription of a William Fitton dated June 1800 to the half title another contemporary owner's inscription - that of a Philip Crampton the date cropped "180" mathemetical annotations to the front and rear leaves and in the margins at intervals within. Joints skilfully repaired some mild soiling to the front and rear leaves an attractive copy. A mathemetical text composed entirely in Latin by Newton and edited by William Whiston who had succeeded him as the Lucasian professor of Mathematics at Cambridge University in 1702. The two had become acquainted during the previous decade and Newton was impressed enough with his acolyte that he invited him to lecture at the university when he was occupied with his other work. It was Whiston who persuaded Newton to publish some of his lectures on algebra but Newton was dissatisfied with Whiston's editing and additions to the text - to the extent that he considered buying the entire stock of the book to prevent its appearance in public. That clearly didn't happen although Newton succeeded in having the book published anonymously and its relative scarcity in commerce suggests a truncated print run. The first ownership inscription is that of the Irish geologist William Fitton 1780-1861. The son of a Dublin lawyer his paternal grandfather had been a mathematical instrument maker. Fitton began his studies at Trinity College Dublin in 1794 and earned his B.A. in 1799 but continued studying there until 1803. He went on to study medicine at Edinburgh University becoming a doctor in 1810 and continued his medical studies in London and Cambridge during the following six years. Fitton's interest in geology and mineralogy were his true passions and after marrying into a wealthy family he was able to devote his studies exclusively to these subjects. He subsequently served as secretary and later as president of the Geological Society published numerous reviews and papers plus a small number of books including 'A Geological Sketch of the Vicinity of Hastings' in 1833. Fitton was awarded the Wollaston Medal the society's highest prize in 1852. The other inscription is almost certainly that of Sir Philip Crampton 1777-1858 an Irish surgeon who awarded many honours and held various senior positions in a long and illustrious career: "elected FRS in 1812. In 1813 he was appointed surgeon-general to the forces in Ireland and he was surgeon to the queen in Ireland a member of the senate of the Queen's University of Ireland and four times president of the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland in 1811 1820 1844 and 1855. In 1839 he was created baronet" ODNB. Cantabrigiæ [Cambridge]: Typis academicis; Londini [London], impensis Benj. Tooke unknown
17066373London: Samuel Smith and Benjamin Walford 1706. First edition. <p>First Latin edition of the Opticks the extremely rare first issue with Ss1 in its original state. "Newton's Opticks did for light what his Principia had done for gravitation namely placed it on a scientific basis" Babson. This Latin edition is important for the seven new Queries it contains. In one of these Newton wrote that space is the 'Sensorium of God'. He later changed his mind cancelling the relevant leaf Ss1 in almost all copies although a copy in its uncancelled state found its way to Leibniz who ridiculed Newton's rash statement.</p>. <p>THE VERY RARE FIRST ISSUE WITH THE 'MISSING TANQUAM'</p> . <p>First Latin edition of the Opticks the extremely rare first issue with Ss1 in its original state cancelled in almost all copies. Of Newton's three greatest contributions to science - his theory of gravity his theories of light and colour and the invention of calculus - the first was published for the first time in the Principia 1687 and the other two in the Opticks 1704 "one of the supreme productions of the human mind" Andrade. "Newton's Opticks did for light what his Principia had done for gravitation namely placed it on a scientific basis" Babson p. 66."One of the supreme productions of the human mind" Andrade "All previous philosophers and mathematicians had been sure that white light is pure and simple regarding colors as modifications or qualifications of the white. Newton showed that the opposite is true . Natural white light far from being simple is a compound of many pure elementary colors which can be separated and recombined at will" PMM. The Optice contains translations not only of the Opticks itself but also of the two appended mathematical tracts Tractatus de quadratura curvarum and Enumeratio linearum tertii ordinis. The former is Newton's first publication of his method of fluxions or calculus which he developed in terms of 'prime and ultimate ratios' an early version of the theory of limits; it includes the first published statement of the general binomial theorem and of 'Taylor's theorem' on series expansions. The real importance of this Latin edition is the seven new 'Queries' it contains: "The Queries contain some of Newton's most influential and speculative writing" Gjertsen p. 519. The purpose of the original 16 queries in the Opticks was principally to compensate for the many years' delay between the writing of Opticks and its publication during which many discoveries had been made by Newton and others. Each of the new Queries with one exception is longer than the original 16 taken together. "In the new Queries Newton expressed fundamental views on the nature of light on the nature of bodies on the relation of God to the physical universe and on the presence in nature of a whole range of forces which furnish the activity necessary for the operation of the world and for its permanence. At the last moment he dared even a bit more and inserted three further speculative passages in the Addenda to the volume. The new Queries were the most informative of the speculations that Newton ever published." Westfall p. 644. "This edition is known in two states. In query 20 Newton had written of space: 'Annon spatium universuum sensorium est entis incorporei viventis et intelligentis' Is not infinite space the sensorium of a Being incorporeal living and intelligent. It must have struck Newton that to call space 'the sensorium of God' without any qualification was too bold a claim. Consequently he chose to substitute for page 315 a cancel in which he spoke of infinite space 'spatio infinito' as 'tanquam sensorio suo' which is as it were his sensorium. He failed however to modify the whole edition and copies with the missing tanquam been found in the Babson collection the Bodleian library and Cambridge University Library. But worse from Newton's point of view an uncancelled copy found its way to Leibniz who lost no time in accusing Newton of claiming that space is an organ of God" Gjertsen p. 413. Some of the other added Queries contain remarkably prescient speculations. Query 23 "was an extended version of the speculations on forces that Newton had once planned to insert in the Principia. Heavily indeed overwhelmingly chemical in content it was arguably the most advanced product of seventeenth-century chemistry" Westfall p. 644. "In a remarkable paragraph in Query 22 pp. 320-321 which did not survive into subsequent English editions he compared the force of attraction in proportion to size in particles of light and gross bodies by comparing velocities and radii of curvature of rays of light and projectiles. He concluded that the force of attraction in particles of light is more powerful by a factor of 1015 that is the short-range forces are immensely more powerful than gravity" ibid. p. 646.</p> <br /> <p>"Newton wrote most of the Opticks between 1687 and early 1692. He wrote Book I Parts I and II expounding his new theory of light and colour in 1687. He then appears to have set aside the Opticks for about three years but by the late summer or autumn of 1691 he had considered it - at least for a few months - to be complete. It is most likely that he carried out new research and wrote the remainder of the Opticks - that is Books II and III - in the winter or spring of 1692 or perhaps six months earlier. At some time between late August 1691 and late February 1692 Newton decided to revise the draft significantly. After this effort he brought it close to its published form except for the brief last book on diffraction which Newton called 'inflexion' and the queries which were not prepared for publication until shortly before publication in 1704.</p> <br /> <p>"The composition of Book II in 1690 or 1691 at first went very quickly. Newton made so few changes in the text that he was able to mark up the manuscript of the 'Discourse of Observations' from 1675 for his amanuensis to copy for the Opticks. This formed Parts I and II and much of Part III . After revising the 'Observations' Newton was confronted with a decision on how to end his book. At first he planned to follow this material with a new fourth book or part on diffraction but he was also toying with the idea of a speculative 'Fourth Book'. Newton soon reined in his more speculative tendencies and turned to more empirical optical investigations. He continued experiments on diffraction and also discovered an entirely new phenomenon: coloured rings produced in transparent thick plates. By the autumn of 1691 Newton had completed and written up his investigations of thick plates as Book IV Part I which together with his research on diffraction Book IV Part II was to form the concluding book of the Opticks.</p> <br /> <p>"Between late August 1691 and late February 1692 Newton removed the two parts of the new Book IV from the manuscript and set about revising them. The part on diffraction was troublesome and remained incomplete until shortly before publication. Within six months however he revised the part on the colours of thick plates incorporated it into Book III because of their affinity to those of thin films and essentially put it into its published state. During this revision Newton also introduced his theory of fits - an immaterial vibration to explain the physical cause of periodicity in light that replaced his earlier aetherial and corpuscular vibrations" Shapiro pp. 187-188. </p> <br /> <p>On 15 November 1702 according to a memorandum by the Scottish mathematician and Oxford Professor of Astronomy David Gregory Newton "promised Mr Roberts Mr Fatio Capt. Hally & me to publish his Quadratures his treatise of Light & his treatise of the Curves of the 2d Genre" i.e. cubic curves. The book appeared by 16 February 1704 when Newton presented a copy to the Royal Society" ibid. p. 196.</p> <br /> <p>In the published work "Newton presented his main discoveries and theories concerning light and color in logical order beginning with eight definitions and eight axioms . Eight propositions follow the first stating that 'Lights which differ in Colour differ also in Degrees of Refrangibility.' In appended experiments Newton discussed the appearance of a paper colored half red and half blue when viewed through a prism and showed that a given lens produces red and blue images respectively at different distances. The second proposition incorporates a variety of prism experiments as proof that 'The Light of the Sun consists of Rays differently refrangible.'</p> <br /> <p>"The figure given with experiment 10 of this series illustrates 'two Prisms tied together in the form of a Parallelopiped'. Under specified conditions sunlight entering a darkened room through a small hole F in the shutter would not be refracted by the parallelopiped and would emerge parallel to the incident beam from which it would pass by refraction through a third prism which would by refraction 'cast the usual Colours of the Prism upon the opposite Wall.' Turning the parallelopiped about its axis Newton found that the rays producing the several colors were successively 'taken out of the transmitted Light' by 'total Reflexion'; first 'the Rays which in the third Prism had suffered the greatest Refraction and painted the wall with violet and blew were . taken out of the transmitted Light the rest remaining' then the rays producing green yellow orange and red were 'taken out' as the parallelopiped was rotated yet further. Newton thus experimentally confirmed the 'experimentum crucis' showing that the light emerging from the two prisms 'is compounded of Rays differently Refrangible seeing that the more Refrangible Rays may be taken out while the less Refrangible remain' . In proposition 6 Newton showed that contrary to the opinions of previous writers the sine law of refraction actually holds for each single color. The first part of book I ends with Newton's remarks on the impossibility of improving telescopes by the use of color corrected lenses and his discussion of his consequent invention of the reflecting telescope.</p> <br /> <p>"In the second part of book I Newton dealt with colors produced by reflection and refraction or transmission and with the appearance of colored objects in relation to the color of the light illuminating them. He discussed colored pigments and their mixture and geometrically constructed a color wheel drawing an analogy between the primary colors in a compound color and the "seven Musical Tones or Intervals of the eight Sounds Sol la fa sol la mi fa sol."</p> <br /> <p>"Proposition 9 'Prob. IV. By the discovered Properties of Light to explain the Colours of the Rain-bow' is devoted to the theory of the rainbow. Descartes had developed a geometrical theory but had used a single index of refraction in his computation of the path of light through each raindrop. Newton's discovery of the difference in refrangibility of the different colors composing white light and their separation or dispersion as a consequence of refraction on the other hand permitted him to compute the radii of the bows for the separate colors. He used 108:81 as the index of refraction for red and 109:81 for violet and further took into consideration that the light of the sun does not proceed from a single point. He determined the widths of the primary and secondary bows to be 2°15' and 3°40' respectively and gave a formula for computing the radii of bows of any order n and hence for orders of the rainbow greater than 2 for any given index of refraction .</p> <br /> <p>"Book II which constitutes approximately one third of the Opticks is devoted largely to what would later be called interference effects growing out of the topics Newton first published in his 1675 letter to the Royal Society. Newton's discoveries in this regard would seem to have had their origin in the first experiment that he describes Book II Part 1 Observation 1; he had he reported compressed 'two Prisms hard together that their sides which by chance were a very little convex might somewhere touch one another' as in the figure provided for Experiment 10 of Book I Part 1. He found 'the place in which they touched' to be 'absolutely transparent' as if there had been one 'continued piece of Glass' even though there was total reflection from the rest of the surface; but 'it appeared like a black or dark spot by reason that little or no sensible light was reflected from thence as from other places' . Rotating the two prisms around their common axis Observation 2 produced 'many slender Arcs of Colours' which the prisms being rotated further 'were compleated into Circles or Rings.' In Observation 4 Newton wrote that 'To observe more nicely the order of the Colours . I took two Object-glasses the one a Plano-convex for a fourteen Foot Telescope and the other a large double Convex for one of about fifty Foot; and upon this laying the other with its plane side downwards I pressed them slowly together to make the Colours successively emerge in the middle of the Circles and then slowly lifted the upper Glass from the lower to make them successively vanish again in the same place.' It was thus evident that there was a direct correlation between particular colors of rings and the thickness of the layer of the entrapped air . Furthermore as he noted in Observation 13 'the Circles which the red Light made' were 'manifestly bigger than those which were made by the blue and violet' . He concluded that the rings visible in white light represented a superimposition of the rings of the several colors and that the alternation of light and dark rings for each color must indicate a succession of regions of reflection and transmission of light produced by the thin layer of air between the two glasses . </p> <br /> <p>"Book II Part 2 of the Opticks has a nomogram in which Newton summarized his measures and computations and demonstrated the agreement of his analysis of the ring phenomenon with his earlier conclusions drawn from his prism experiments - 'that whiteness is a dissimilar mixture of all Colours and that Light is a mixture of Rays endued with all those Colours.' The experiments of Book II further confirmed Newton's earlier findings 'that every Ray have its proper and constant degree of Refrangibility connate with it according to which its refraction is ever justly and regularly perform'd' from which he argued that 'it follows that the colorifick Dispositions of Rays are also connate with them and immutable.' The colors of the physical universe are thus derived 'only from the various Mixtures or Separations of Rays by virtue of their different Refrangibility or Reflexibility'; the study of color thus becomes 'a Speculation as truly mathematical as any other part of Opticks.' </p> <br /> <p>"In Part 3 of Book II Newton analyzed 'the permanent Colours of natural Bodies and the Analogy between them and the Colours of thin transparent Plates.' He concluded that the smallest possible subdivisions of matter must be transparent and their dimensions optically determinable. A table accompanying Proposition 10 gives the refractive powers of a variety of substances 'in respect of . Densities.' Proposition 12 contains Newton's conception of 'fits': 'Every Ray of Light in its passage through any refracting Surface is put into a certain transient Constitution or State which in the progress of the Ray returns at equal Intervals and disposes the Ray at every return to be easily transmitted through the next refracting Surface and between the returns to be easily reflected by it.' The succeeding definition is more specific: 'The returns of the disposition of any Ray to be reflected I will call its Fits of easy Reflection and those of its disposition to be transmitted its Fits of easy Transmission and the space it passes between every return and the next return the Interval of its Fits.' The 'fits' of easy reflection and of easy refraction could thus be described as a numerical sequence; if reflection occurs at distances 0 2 4 6 8 . from some central point then refraction or transmission must occur at distances 1 3 5 7 9 . Newton did not attempt to explain this periodicity stating that 'I do not here enquire' into the question of 'what kind of action or disposition this is' . Newton thus integrated the periodicity of light into his theoretical work . His work was moreover based upon extraordinarily accurate measurements - so much so that when Thomas Young 1773-1829 devised an explanation of Newton's rings based on the revived wave theory of light and the new principle of interference he used Newton's own data to compute the wavelengths and wave numbers of the principal colors in the visible spectrum and attained results that are in close agreement with those generally accepted today.</p> <br /> <p>"In Part 4 of Book II Newton addressed himself to 'the Reflexions and Colours of thick transparent polish'd Plates.' This book ends with an analysis of halos around the sun and moon and the computation of their size based on the assumption that they are produced by clouds of water or by hail. This led him to the series of eleven observations that begin the third and final book 'concerning the Inflexions of the Rays of Light and the Colours made thereby' in which Newton took up the class of optical phenomena previously studied by Grimaldi in which 'fringes' are produced at the edges of the shadows of objects illuminated by light 'let into a dark Room through a very small hole.' Newton discussed such fringes surrounding the projected shadows of a hair the edge of a knife and a narrow slit" DSB.</p> <br /> <p>"Since Newton published the Opticks without a complete investigation into diffraction which he had hoped would support a corpuscular theory of light in which light corpuscles were acted on by short-range forces of matter" Shapiro p. 196 "Newton concluded the first edition of the Opticks with a set of sixteen queries introduced 'in order to a further search to be made by others.' He had at one time hoped he might carry the investigations further but was 'interrupted' and wrote that he could not 'now think of taking these things into farther Consideration.' In the eighteenth century and after these queries were considered the most important feature of the Opticks . The original sixteen queries at once go beyond mere experiments on diffraction phenomena. In Query 1 Newton suggested that bodies act on light at a distance to bend the rays; and in Queries 2 and 3 he attempted to link differences in refrangibility with differences in 'flexibility' and the bending that may produce color fringes. In Query 4 he inquired into a single principle that by 'acting variously in various Circumstances' may produce reflection refraction and inflection suggesting that the bending in reflection and refraction begins before the rays 'arrive at the Bodies.' Query 5 concerns the mutual interaction of bodies and light the heat of bodies being said to consist of having 'their parts put into a vibrating motion'; while in Query 6 Newton proposed a reason why black bodies 'conceive heat more easily from Light than those of other Colours.' He then discussed the action between light and 'sulphureous' bodies the causes of heat in friction percussion putrefaction and so forth and defined fire in Query 9 and flame in Query 10 discussing various chemical operations. In Query 11 he extended his speculations on heat and vapors to sun and stars. The last four queries 12 to 16 of the original set deal with vision associated with 'Vibrations' excited by 'the Rays of Light' which cause sight by 'being propagated along the solid Fibres of the optick Nerves into the Brain.' In Query 13 specific wavelengths are associated with each of several colors. In Query 15 Newton discussed binocular vision along with other aspects of seeing while in Query 16 he took up the phenomenon of persistence of vision" DSB.</p> <br /> <p>Newton appended to the Opticks two mathematical tracts of which the first Tractatus de quadratura curvarum is Newton's first published account of the calculus of fluxions. In Newton's time finding the 'quadrature' of a curve meant finding the area enclosed or subtended by it which for us is a problem of integral calculus and for Newton one of the 'inverse method of fluxions'. Newton wrote three extended treatises on fluxions. The first of these 'De analysi per aequationes numero terminorum infinitas' was composed in 1669 and treats Newton's general methods of infinite series. It was not published until 1711 when William Jones included it along with a number of other tracts in his Analysis per quantitatum series. In 'De analysi' however Newton "did not explicitly make use of the fluxionary notation or idea. Instead he used the infinitely small both geometrically and analytically in a manner similar to that found in Barrow and Fermat and extended its applicability by the use of the binomial theorem" Boyer The Concept of Calculus p. 191. It was in the second of Newton's calculus treatises 'De methodus fluxionum' composed in 1671 but not published until 1736 that he first "introduced his characteristic notation and conceptions. Here he regarded his variable quantities as generated by the continuous motion of points lines and planes rather than as aggregates of infinitesimal elements the view which had appeared in 'De analysi'. . In the 'Methodus fluxionum' Newton stated clearly the fundamental problem of the calculus: the relation of quantities being given to find the relation of the fluxions of these; and conversely" ibid. pp. 192-3 i.e. the processes that we call differentiation and integration.</p> <br /> <p>De quadratura was the first of Newton's treatises on fluxions to be published but the last to be composed so that it represents his most mature view of the subject. It was prompted by a letter from David Gregory on 7 November 1691 sending Newton "my method of squaring figures published three years ago but now clarified by examples. If only I might be allowed to know your method too which as I have subsequently gathered differs little from mine." "De quadratura contained the first published statement of the binomial theorem discovered by Newton some forty years before. The text of De quadratura in its published form is in two parts. In the first part Newton in the manner of De analysi demonstrated how infinite series could be deployed to determine the quadrature and rectification of curves. In the second part he returned to the topic of fluxions discussed at greater length in his then unpublished De methodis eventually published as The method of fluxions and infinite series in 1736" Gjertsen p. 579. But perhaps "Newton's most important achievement in his 'De quadratura' was the first explicit enunciation of the Taylor expansion of a general function - Newton deduced the particular 'Maclaurin' form in his Corollary 3 by successive differentiation it would seem and then passed to the general theorem in his Corollary 4" Papers VII pp. 18-19. The expansion was rediscovered by Brook Taylor in 1715.</p> <br /> <p>The second appended mathematical treatise Enumeratio linearum tertii ordinis was composed in summer 1695 although it was based on researches carried out intermittently over the previous three decades. "In some ways the Enumeratio is the most original of Newton's mathematical works. It had no predecessors met with no rivals claiming to have anticipated the results or few even who acknowledged its results" Gjertsen p. 187. Since the inception of analytic geometry - most notably with Descartes's Géométrie 1637 which Newton carefully studied in its Latin translation 1659-61 - European mathematicians became interested in the algebraic representation of plane curves. As Descartes showed and John Wallis further developed conic sections can be represented by second-degree polynomial equations in two variables in Cartesian coordinates as we would say nowadays and they can be divided into circle parabola ellipse and hyperbola. The question naturally arises of how to move a step further and study the graphs of third-degree polynomials. In the Enumeratio Newton gave a classification of cubic curves analogous to the classification of conic sections. He identified 72 species of cubic curves mostly classified in terms of the properties of their diameters and asymptotes. There are in fact 78 species: four were added by James Stirling in his Lineae tertii ordinis Newtonianae 1717 and the remaining two by François Nicole and Nicolas I Bernoulli in the 1730s. Newton uses oblique Cartesian axes something Descartes did not do and has no qualms in using negative coordinates a novelty at the time. Newton also demonstrates deep geometrical insights stating a general theorem according to which all cubic curves can be obtained by centrally projecting the five 'divergent parabolas' very much as all conics can be obtained by projecting the circle; this was proved by Nicole and Alexis-Claude Clairaut in 1731. In the final section of the work Newton shows how the real roots of polynomial equations of degree up to 9 can be found from the points of intersection of cubic curves with lines conics or other cubic curves. Newton gave almost no proofs of his claims but Stirling revealed the methods Newton had used: algebra and infinite series. Newton's published treatise is "a marvellous epitome of results whose subtleties were only just becoming to be understood by mathematicians in the last decade of Newton's life half a century after their initial discovery" Papers VII p. 588 n1.</p> <br /> <p>Gjertsen p. 520 summarizes the content of the seven new Queries added to the Optice as follows:</p> <br /> <br /> 17-18: Double refraction<br /> 19: The 'Phenomena of Light' are not to be explained by 'new Modifications of the Rays'<br /> 20: Objections to wave theory of light and to a dense fluid medium; rejection of hypotheses in natural philosophy; limits of mechanism and a list of fundamental questions; space is the Sensorium of God<br /> 21: Rays of light are 'very small Bodies emitted from Shining substances' a view which allows many of the properties of light to be explained<br /> 22: Bodies and light are interconvertible<br /> 23: Small particles of bodies capable of acting at a distance as can be seen in a number of chemical and physical processes; evidence for the view that 'All Bodies seem to be composed of hard Particles'; Hauksbee's experiments; motion and its need of certain active principles; matter also made in the beginning by God from 'solid massy hard impenetrable moveable Particles' in need of 'certain active Principles'; examples of the divine providence in the universe.<br /> <br /> <p>In Query 20 "the refutation of wave theories of light led Newton into an argument against the possibility of a dense Cartesian ether filling the heavens and thence into an explication of his ultimate objection against conventional mechanical philosophies their tendency to make nature self-sufficient and thus to dispense with God. Some ancient philosophers he argued took atoms the void and the gravity of atoms as the first principles of their philosophy and attributed gravity to some other cause than matter.</p> <br /> <p>'Latter Philosophers banish the Consideration of such a Cause out of natural Philosophy feigning Hypotheses for explaining all things mechanically and referring other Causes to Metaphysicks: Whereas the main Business of natural Philosophy is to argue from Phenomena without feigning Hypotheses and to deduce Causes from Effects till we come to the very first Cause which certainly is not mechanical; and not only to unfold the Mechanism of the World but chiefly to resolve these and such like Questions. What is there in places empty of Matter and whence is it that the Sun and Planets gravitate towards one another without dense Matter between them Whence is it that Nature doth nothing in vain; and whence arises all that Order and Beauty which we see in the World . . . How do the Motions of the Body follow from the Will and whence is the Instinct in Animals Is not infinite Space the Sensorium of a Being Annon Spatium Universum Sensorium est Entis incorporeal living and intelligent who sees the things themselves intimately and thoroughly perceives them and comprehends them wholly by their immediate presence to himself .'</p> <br /> <p>"David Gregory who held an extensive discussion of the new Queries with Newton on 21 December 1705 recorded the interpretation of this passage in a memorandum.</p> <br /> <p>'His Doubt was whether he should put the last Quaere thus. What the space that is empty of body is filled with. The plain truth is that he believes God to be omnipresent in the literal sense; And that as we are sensible of Objects when their Images are brought home within the brain so God must be sensible of every thing being intimately present with every thing: for he supposes that as God is present in space where there is no body he is present in space where a body is also present. But if this way of proposing this his notion be too bold he thinks of doing it thus. What Cause did the Ancients assign of Gravity. He believes that they reckoned God the Cause of it nothing els that is no body being the cause; since every body is heavy.'</p> <br /> <p>"At the last moment after the last moment really Newton decided that he had indeed been too bold. He tried to recall the whole edition; and from all the copies he could lay his hands on he cut out the relevant page and pasted in a new one which asserted not that infinite space is the sensorium of God but that 'there is a Being incorporeal living intelligent omnipresent who in infinite Space as it were in his Sensory tanquam Sensorio suo sees the things themselves intimately .' Alas he failed to alter every copy and one of the originals made its way to Leibniz who did not fail to hold up to ridicule the concept of space as the sensorium of God. In its initial form the passage recalled 'De gravitatione' the beginning of Newton's rebellion against Cartesian philosophy because of its atheistical tendencies. Following the implications of the rebellion he had traveled far. In the Latin edition of the Opticks he gave the fullest exposition of his own conception of nature he would ever put in print before in his old age he tried to placate critics by seeming retreats to more conventional positions.</p> <br /> <p>"In addition to its importance for Newton's philosophy the Latin edition of the Opticks also provided the occasion for a graceful personal relation. Abraham De Moivre saw it through the press. Every evening according to the story Newton would wait for him in a coffeehouse where De Moivre would go as soon as he finished the mathematical lessons with which he supported himself. Newton would take him home and the two would spend the evening in philosophical discussion. De Moivre was one of the young men in London disciples really with whom Newton found companionship possible in a way it had never been in Cambridge. Another young disciple Samuel Clarke translated the Opticks into Latin and received £500 for his pains: £100 for each of his five children" Westfall pp. 646-8.</p> <br /> <p>Babson 137; Honeyman 2326; Poggendorff II 277; Wallis 179. Gjertsen The Newton Handbook 1986. Shapiro 'Newton's Optics' pp. 165-198 in: The Oxford Handbook of the History of Physics Buchwald & Fox eds. 2013. Westfall Never at Rest 1980.</p> <br/> <br/> 4to mm pp. xiv 348 2 24 2 43 recte 47 with 19 engraved plates. Contemporary calf. Samuel Smith and Benjamin Walford unknown
175646122London.: Printed for T. Osborne and J. Shipton . &c. 1756. Contemporary mottled calf. 2 vols. Folio. 412 x 258 mm. Engraved frontispiece printed title in red and black with engraved vignette preface list of plates contents and Ware's text in ten books illustrated with 114 engraved plates 14 folding with irregular numbering in first state with the numbers within the platemark and plate 70 / 71 titled 'Warwick Shire' final eaves with index. PROVENANCE: Ownership signature of John Ingilby to title likely Sir John Ingilby 1705 - 1772 or his illegitimate son also SIr John Ingilby 1758 - 1815; ownership signature of W. B. Colthunt and date '27 Oct. 1919' to front free endpaper. The first edition of Isaac Ware's practical and comprehensive manual of architecture.Isaac Ware 1704 - 1766 the associate of Lord Burlington member of the St. Martin's Lane Academy and member of the 'Board of Works' was already associated with a number of important architecture books 'The Designs of Inigo Jones . &c.' of 1731 the 'Plans . of Houghton' of 1735 'The Four Books of Architecture of Andrea Palladio' of 1738 and the translation of Sirigatti of 1756 before he issued this his massive magnum opus. A follower but not a slavish one of Palladio and Vitruvius Ware offers the two as the pinnacles and authorities for all of architecture but cautions against blind acceptance. Of major importance to English Palladianism Ware's Georgian legacy is also relevant and his 'Complete Body' was of such interest to his contemporaries that a second edition was published a short time after his death in 1766.'Like Vitruvius and Alberti before him Ware arranged his treatise in ten books. Having defined the most commonly used architectural terms he devotes the rest of book one to a discussion of materials. Book two is divided into five sections: the first on location; the second on the functional parts of a building and the third fourth and fifth on the orders. Book three begins the practical advice on house construction. Books four five and six deal with doors windows and interior ornament book seven with exterior ornament and garden buildings book eight with bridges. Book nine consists of an interesting return to what Ware calls 'the construction of elevations upon the true principles of architecture' . It is in the nature of an appendix to the whole and allows Ware to write cuttingly of modern practices. Book ten is a brief introduction to mathematics and mensuration . '. Millard.'There was a copy of either the 1756 or 1767 edition in Jefferson's private library at the time of his death . The copy Jefferson ordered for the University in the section on 'Architecture' of the want list can be identified as either of these two editions from the title but there is no record of the library's ever having received it.' Jefferson's Fine Arts Library pg. 374.Park 84; Fowler 436; Millard 87; Jefferson's Fine Arts Library 126a. Printed for T. Osborne and J. Shipton ... &c. unknown
177153117Amsterdam: Marc Michel Rey 1771. First Edition. Very Good. Octavo. xvi 128 8: "Etat des Finances en Angleterre" 129-384 2: errata; blankpp. Woodcut ornaments; 4 half-titles. Collation: 8 A-H8 H4 I-Z8 Aa8 chi1 = 205 leaves. Contemporary marbled calf lightly rubbed at extremities gilt-tooled spine with raised bands gilt morocco lettering piece; edges stained red; marbled endleaves. Small patch of marginal damp staining to bottom corner of first 15 and final 10 leaves; signature Aa mildly embrowned else text crisp and clean throughout. Overall a very good copy.<br /> <br /> Rare complete first edition of "one of the great documents in the history of political economy" EJ. In addition to the brief discursus on English finances inserted between the second and third parts of the main treatise our copy includes the usually missing supplement pp. 369-384 "Addition au Traité de la Circulation et du Crédit. Mémoire pour la suppression du Belasting" along with the concluding errata leaf.<br /> <br /> The present Treatise is a refutation of the physiocrats who had advocated a primarily agricultural economy. Arguing against Hume de Pinto seeks to defend the economically productive role of the national debt which he sees exemplified in the current British system. While Marx notoriously described de Pinto as "the Pindar of the Amsterdam stock exchange" for his advocacy of speculation Werner Sombart regarded him as the "beginner of the modern age of economics and the first to understand the growth of credit" EJ. De Pinto's other works include Essai sur le luxe and Du jeu de cartes both reprinted in the present work and the later Precis de arguments contre les matérialistes The Hague 1774.<br /> <br /> The main treatise is divided into four parts followed by six brief works: 1. Lettre sur la jalousie du commerce Letter on the Jealousy of Commerce; 2. Tableau ou Exposé de ce qu'on appelle le Commerce ou plutôt le Jeu d'Actions en Hollande A Presentation of What is Called Commerce or the Game of Actions in Holland; 3. Methode dont on se sert en Hollande pour faire la perceptions des taxes & des impôts sur les biens fonds; & comment on en verse le provenu dans la Caisse de l'Etat The Method Used in Holland to Collect Duties and Real Estate Taxes and How the Proceeds Are Payed into the State Treasury; 4. Essai sur le luxe An Essay on Luxury first printed at Amsterdam 1762; 5. Lettre de l'autheur à Mr. D. sur le jeu des cartes The Author's Letter to Mr. Diderot on Card Playing first printed at London 1768; 6. Mémoire pour la suppression du Belasting ou Impôt sur les Actions de Compagnie des Indes Orientales A Memorandum for the Suppression of the "Belasting" or Tax on the East India Company Shares. The final opuscule which appears in relatively few copies of the Traité is published here for the first time.<br /> <br /> Isaac de Pinto 1717-1787 was the scion of a wealthy Sephardic family which traced their origins back to Portugal and had emigrated to the Dutch Republic. "He had a broad education and had mastered many languages in which he corresponded with famous philosophers and maintained contact with the European elite of his day including the court of the Dutch stadholder. In 1748 he helped to finance Stadholder William IV's war against France" Bernfeld & Wallet. "For his services in arranging favorable terms for English trade in India at the Treaty of Paris which ended the Seven Years' War 1756-63 Pinto was lavishly rewarded by the East India Company a few years later 1767" EJ. His correspondents included David Hume and Denis Diderot. De Pinto made a name for himself when he responded to Voltaire's mocking article on the Jews which appeared in the latter's Dictionnaire Philosophique with his Apologie pour la nation juive Amsterdam 1762. Presenting himself as a proud Portuguese he argued that "Voltaire had neglected to draw a distinction between the often wealthy Sephardim with their refined manners and the Ashkenazim whom he regarded as far poorer and sometimes unprincipled as a result of persecution and economic misery" Bernfeld & Wallet. Barbier 4: 752; T. L. Bernfeld & B. Wallet Jews in the Netherlands: A Short History Amsterdam Univ. Press 2023 p. 89; Enc. Jud. 13: 553-554; Goldsmiths' 10792; Kress 6812.<br /> <br /> Full title and Imprint: Traité de la Circulation et du Crédit. Contenant une Analyse raisonnée des Fonds d'Angleterre & de ce qu'on appelle Commerce ou Jeu d'Actions ; un Examen critique de plusieurs Traités sur les Impôts les Finances l'Agriculture la Population le Commerce &c. précédé de l'Extrait d'un Ouvrage intitulé Bilan général & raisonné de l'Angleterre depuis 1600 jusqu'en 1761 ; & Suivi d'une Lettre sur la Jalousie du Commerce où l'on prouve que l'intérêt des Puissances commerçantes ne se croise point &c. avec un Tableau de ce qu'on appelle Commerce ou plutôt Jeu d'Actions en Hollande. Par l'auteur de l'Essai sur le Luxe & de la Lettre sur le Jeu des Cartes qu'on a ajoutés à la fin. A Amsterdam chez Marc Michel Rey. MDCCLXXI. Marc Michel Rey unknown
17296375London: William Innys for the Royal Society 1729. First edition. <p>First edition in the original Latin of Newton's Cambridge lectures on optics-his earliest systematic exposition of the mathematical theory of light and colour delivered as Lucasian Professor and published here for the first time from his manuscripts. These lectures form the foundation of Newton's later Opticks 1704 but include substantial mathematical content omitted from that more accessible English version. Notably they contain Newton's formulation of the compound nature of white light a cornerstone of modern optical theory.</p>. <p>EDITIO PRINCEPS OF NEWTON'S CAMBRIDGE LECTURES ON OPTICS</p> . <p>First edition of the complete text in the original Latin of Newton's inaugural lectures as the second Lucasian professor of mathematics at Cambridge and the first publication of his lectures on his new mathematical science of colour including his discovery of the compound nature of white light. It was from this material that Newton composed his Opticks of 1704 although in the Opticks he left out the specifically mathematical parts of the lectures which are included here. Newton "was obliged by the statutes of the post to lecture and to deposit the lectures in the University Library. For the period 1670-72 Newton lectured on optics and deposited the lectures in the ULC in October 1674. At one time Newton seemed to be contemplating publishing the lectures together with the mathematical work De methodis but by May 1672 he had decided otherwise and wrote to Collins: 'I have now determined otherwise of them; finding already by the little use I have made of the Presse that I shall not enjoy my former serene liberty till I have done with it' Correspondence I p 161. Consequently . the lectures remained unpublished until after his death as did the De methodis" Gjertsen pp. 409-410. Following Newton's death in March 1727 his followers decided to publish the lectures both in the original Latin and in English. In fact only Part I on the mathematical theory of reflection and refraction was translated and published in English in 1728; part II on colours was omitted. The present Latin edition which includes both parts is thus the editio princeps of the complete series of Newton's lectures including the first publication of his lectures on colours. Based on a copy belonging to David Gregory it was discovered during the printing that there were discrepancies between Gregory's copy and the copy deposited by Newton in the ULC which necessitated the inclusion of a five-page 'Addenda and Corrigenda'. "Today we can appreciate the Lectiones as an invaluable document of Newton's investigations of optics that reveals his ideas in the midst of his most productive period of research. In the inevitable comparison with the Opticks 1704 which recounts research for the most part carried out twenty to thirty years earlier and since refined - sometimes overrefined - the lectures must be judged neither as carefully developed nor as polished. But whatever polish it may lack is more than compensated for by its vitality as Newton boldly attempts in the following pages to create a new mathematical science of color" Shapiro p. 25. Since the Lectiones "was his first and most comprehensive account of his theory of color he naturally drew upon it in his later writings. It served as the immediate source for his 'New theory of light and colors' 1672 in the Philosophical Transactions his first public statement of his theory outside the Cambridge lecture halls. And twenty years later it remained the foundation for the 'definitive' statement of his theory in Book I of the Opticks" ibid. p. 1. This was the only separate edition of Newton's complete lectures: the text was published six more times in the eighteenth century in various collections of Newton's works.</p> <br /> <p>Provenance: 'Ex-libris Dutour' on front free endpaper followed by a price; some marginal notes in Latin.</p> <br /> <p>"Upon his appointment as Isaac Barrow's successor to the Lucasian chair in the late autumn of 1669 Newton was confronted with developing a series of lectures to begin the following January. In a natural extension to Barrow's prior series of optical lectures published as Lectiones XVIII 1669 he took the opportunity to make the first formal presentation of his new mathematical science of color. The Lucasian Professor was required to give one lecture for about one hour each week during the term and to submit annually not fewer than ten of those lectures to the Vice-Chancellor for deposit in the University Library for public use. Newton complied with this regulation somewhat tardily in October 1674 when he delivered to the Vice-Chancellor his Optica divided into two parts with a total of thirty-one lectures. According to the marginal annotations the first lecture of Part I was delivered in January 1670 at the beginning of Lent term and Lecture 9 of Part I and Lectures 4 and 14 of Part II opened the Michaelmas terms beginning in October of 1670 1671 and 1672" Shapiro p. 16.</p> <br /> <p>As noted above by the winter of 1671-2 Newton had decided to publish the Optica together with his mathematical treatise De methodis serierum et fluxionum the latter was not actually published until 1736. However following the publication of his 'New theory of light and colours' in the Philosophical Transactions a few months later Newton changed his mind: his 'New theory' had resulted in controversy which he was loathe to encourage by further publications. "In September 1672 Newton had decided to recast his theory in a more formal structure 'in imitation of the Method by wch Mathematicians are wont to prove their doctrines.' The next year in outlining his restructured theory for Christiaan Huygens he recognized that it needed a more rigorous proof . Instead Newton was planning a work very much like the later Opticks . In this newly projected work the sections of the Optica on color were to be extensively rewritten and its mathematical part omitted. There is no evidence that Newton wrote such a discourse during this period but when in the early 1690s he eventually composed the Opticks he in essence followed the plan he had proposed in the mid-1670s . When after still another postponement the Opticks was finally published in 1704 Newton felt it necessary to warn that 'If any other Papers writ on this Subject are got out of my Hands they are imperfect and were perhaps written before I had tried all the Experiments here set down and fully satisfied my self about the Laws of Refractions and Composition of Colours I have here Published what I think proper to come abroad.' He is here inter alia surely referring to his Optica deposited thirty years earlier in the Cambridge University Library . During his lifetime Newton's disavowal was respected by eager members of the Newtonian circle but an English translation of Part I appeared in 1728 the year after his death followed in the next year by the editio princeps of the complete Latin text of the Optica . The editor of the Latin edition emphasized the significance of the geometrical demonstrations and philosophical arguments in Part I because in the Opticks Newton 'seems to have been as careful as possible not to mix geometrical demonstrations with philosophical arguments and when it was necessary to set forth a mathematical proposition its demonstration scarcely ever occurs' . He also perceptively recognized that with respect to color 'many things are found in each with the same meaning but are explained in a different manner'" ibid. pp. 21-23.</p> <br /> <p>"After briefly paying tribute to Barrow and deriding efforts to improve refracting telescopes by the use of nonspherical lenses Newton devotes the first two lectures of Part I to laying the foundations for the whole of the Lectures: a demonstration that direct sunlight consists of rays that differ in their degree of refrangibility. Virtually the entire burden of his demonstration is borne by an analysis of the elongated spectrum formed by passing a narrow beam of sunlight through a prism. Newton's major insight and the key to his demonstration was to recognize that when a prism is placed symmetrically with respect to the incident and emergent beams or at minimum deviation the sun's image would be circular rather than elongated if all rays were refracted equally. An exact solution for the shape of the sun's image with monochromatic rays is exceedingly difficult involving a finite source and aperture and rays incident out of the principal plane; but he is able to demonstrate that under particular conditions such as with a point aperture the image is nearly circular. This was sufficient for his purpose for he had found the spectrum's length to be five times its breadth thus making small deviations from the assumed condition inconsequential.</p> <br /> <p>"Newton begins Lecture 2 by describing the shape of the spectrum to be an oblong bounded by straight edges and semicircular ends and he argues formed by innumerable overlapping circular images of the sun each consisting of rays of a different refrangibility . The thrust of the remainder of the lecture describes how to decrease the effective size of the source and thus the circular images and to approach the ideal spectrum - a straight line with no breadth - formed by a point source. By this mode of demonstration culminating in the observation of Venus's spectrum he makes the actually observed shape of the sun's spectrum inessential to his proof that its elongation is caused by unequal refrangibility ibid. pp. 26-27.</p> <br /> <p>"Newton begins his 'dissertation on the measure of refractions' which constitutes the next three lectures with an explanation of Descartes's sine law of refraction which he extends - without experimental demonstration - to rays of each color . Next in two lemmas he derives the equations for his preferred method to measure the index of refraction that of minimum deviation in prisms one of his most important contributions to quantitative experimental optics . Newton opens Lecture 10 by extending the method of minimum deviation to fluids with the use of a hollow prism with glass sides and he illustrates this method by a measurement of the mean index of refraction of water . He then advances to the next phase of his investigation of refraction: to determine the indices of refraction of the extreme rays or the chromatic dispersion . When the prism is placed at minimum deviation for the mean refrangible rays he measure the length of the spectrum and thereby determines the angular dispersion. He presents a simple measurement and calculation for the dispersion of glass .</p> <br /> <p>"Newton concludes his 'dissertation on the measures of refraction' in Lecture 11 by setting forth a dispersion law which serves as the foundation for the rest of the Lectures. He freely admits that it is a purely theoretical construct that he has not yet experimentally tested. Though he presents his dispersion law solely in mathematical terms without any mechanical interpretation it is evidently a modification of Descartes's projectile model for a single sort of ray extended to apply to polychromatic rays. It represents the very ideal of a rational optics for the indices of refraction of rays of every color in any medium can be determined with only a single measurement as Newton illustrates with water .</p> <br /> <p>"In Lectures 12 and 13 on refraction at a single plane surface Newton attempts to uncover the physical implications of the laws of refraction the sine law and his dispersion law by a thorough mathematical analysis. Since that dispersion law was so tenuously founded and is the starting point for much of his analysis these lectures are now as notable for their mathematical analyses as for their contributions to optics.</p> <br /> <p>"Lecture 12 is . devoted to the single problem in Proposition 3 of determining the position of a luminous point viewed obliquely across a plane reflecting surface. Newton's recognition here that there are two image points effectively begins the study of astigmatism . Lecture 13 . studies a natural extension of Proposition 3: to determine the shape of the extended image of a point source due to the varying index of refraction when the point is viewed across a plane surface. He elegantly demonstrates that the images of the point lie on a Dioclean cissoid .</p> <br /> <p>"In the next two pairs of Lectures 14 15 and 16 17 Newton continues his attempt to create a rational science of color by investigating the variation of angular dispersion as the index of refractions and hence the chromatic dispersion of the refracting media vary . The brief Lecture 18 treats refraction in prisms .</p> <br /> <p>"Section 4 on refraction at curved surfaces the conclusion of the mathematical part of the Optica is its highpoint an intimate blend of mathematics and physics consistently yielding novel interesting results . He effectively begins this section in Proposition 29 by determining the image point in a form equivalent to the Gaussian formula for paraxial rays incident upon a single spherical surface; and then in Proposition 30 he extends this result to any curved surface by substituting the center of curvature determined in Lemma 9 in the immediate neighborhood of the incident rays for the center of the spherical surface. In Proposition 31 Newton applies many of the newly wrought mathematical methods such as series expansions and the determination of extrema to find the longitudinal spherical aberration for rays incident on the plane face of a plano-convex lens and then the circle of least confusion. Because of its algebraic formulation this proposition is particularly accessible to the modern reader and provides a fine example of Newton's application of mathematics to physics. In the next proposition he elegantly derives the location of the primary image point or caustic locus for rays obliquely incident upon a spherical surface while also noting the existence and location of the secondary image point. Proposition 33 extends this result to any curved refracting surface. In Proposition 34 he presents his own solution to a problem posed and solved by Descartes: to find the aplanatic surface a Cartesian oval that refracts rays perfectly from a given point to a given point. Pursuing the Cartesian theme in Propositions 35 and 36 he derives the radii of the primary and secondary rainbows and then moving beyond all his contemporaries he generalizes his solution to bows of any order. And to conclude Newton in Proposition 37 calculates the chromatic aberration to show that it is much more enormous - some 1500 times greater - than spherical aberration and once again stresses the significance of his discovery of unequal refrangibility for practical optics" ibid. pp. 36-41.</p> <br /> <p>In Part II Newton begins the 'dissertation on colors' by reiterating his inaugural remarks on the defects of contemporary telescopes and the impediment presented by chromatic aberration and in prelude to his own theory he vigorously attacks both Aristotelian and more recent modification theories of colour. He then presents his theory in five propositions. The first proposition that to differently refrangible rays there correspond different colors had already been established in Part I. Its converse states that different colors are unequally refracted. "To demonstrate this he introduces his crossed-prism experiments where spectra cast on a second transverse prism become inclined to their original orientation because the blue end is always refracted more than the red. Initially he places the second prism transverse to the first one to minimize the unequal incidence arising from the refraction of the first prism; but by passing the refracted rays through two holes far apart so that they fall on the second prism at very nearly the same angle of incidence he eliminated the requirement for any particular orientation of the second prism and arrives at an experimental arrangement virtually identical to the experimentum crucis of the 'New theory' .</p> <br /> <p>"Proposition 2 on the immutability of monochromatic colors is established by first separating the spectral colors from one another and then demonstrating that the more completely they are separated the smaller are their changes after additional refractions. He first separates the colors with two parallel prisms and observes some color change because the adjacent colors are still intermingled but when he adds two more prisms he is unable to detect any further sensible change .</p> <br /> <p>"In Lectures 4-7 Newton carries out the first part of his demonstration of Proposition 3 that white light in particular sunlight is composed of rays of every color by showing five different ways to make white from a mixture of spectral colors: i colors from three prisms are cast onto a screen where they are mixed; ii one face of a prism is covered with an opaque paper with six slits each functioning as one of the prisms in the preceding experiment and then the colors from the various slits mix on a screen; iii light scattered from a screen on which a spectrum has been projected is received on a second screen where the scattered rays mix; iv the colors dispersed by a prism are transmitted through a lens and brought together at its focus; v in a variant of the preceding way a mirror is substituted for the lens. He also illustrates the compound nature of white by a mixture of colored powders and by a froth of soap bubbles .</p> <br /> <p>"Newton now applies himself to the second and more difficult part of his demonstration of Proposition 3 namely to show that the sun's direct light is compounded of colors even before they are apparent. He bases his demonstration on the phenomenon of total reflection for as he discovered the critical angle of reflection varies for each color. In the first and simplest experiment a beam of sunlight is partially reflected and partially refracted at the base of a prism. As the prism is rotated the colors are totally reflected in sequence and the reflected and transmitted beams change color until when the red rays are at last totally reflected and the transmitted beam vanishes the reflective beam is restored to white. Newton argues implicitly appealing to the emission theory of light that this reveals that the colors are in the rays as they arrive from the sun since they preserve and exhibit the same color whether they are reflected refracted. Furthermore this shows that reflected light is compound since white is restored when the last color red is totally reflected. To make this interpretation still more certain he introduces three variants of this basic experiment one of which is an exact analog of the experimentum crucis but with total reflection replacing the second refraction . Newton concludes the proof of Proposition 3 by briefly explaining why the sun's light is yellowish rather than white and then by showing that black is compounded from all colors grey from white and black and all other compound colors from the painter's primaries red yellow and blue. Despite the need for some restrictions and the brevity of its demonstration Proposition 4 that spectral colors can be compounded from their neighbouring colors is an important contribution to the theory of compound colors and displays Newton's keen experimental skill.</p> <br /> <p>"Newton now turns to his fifth and final proposition that natural bodies derive their color from the sort of rays they reflect most. By the principle of color immutability the color of a ray cannot be changed my reflection so that bodies can appear only the color of the rays illuminating them. To explain why all bodies are not therefore the same color in daylight as this principle alone would demand he adds that bodies reflect more of their own daylight color than others. After demonstrating this by illuminating various bodies with monochromatic light he moves beyond this phenomenological account and attributes two distinct powers to bodies: to reflect rays and to transmit them. These rays are complementary for the rays that are not reflected pass through the body and he illustrates this with the colors of such substances as gold leaf which reflects yellow light and transmits blue. Newton did recognize that most bodies are not of this sort but are the same color all around and to explain this he introduces a third power - and a new concept in optics - selective absorption .</p> <br /> <p>"In the concluding section of the Optica Newton considers the colors generated by refractions at curved surfaces namely lenses the eye and raindrops or the rainbow. He first describes the chromatic aberration of a plano-convex lens and gives a simple physical derivation and numerical estimate of its magnitude. Observing that the eye is a lens of sorts which should likewise suffer from chromatic aberration he presents a simple experimental demonstration of its existence. In the last article of Lecture 14 and in all of Lecture 15 Newton indulges in the sort of speculative or hypothetical natural philosophy that he frequently and vigorously decried yet could not always resist. Exhibiting a firm command of Cartesian natural philosophy he explains the cause of the colored circles or coronas that Descartes saw around a candle after he had pressed his eye shut for a long time. While Newton recognizes that an infinity of causes may be devised to explain these colored circles he ascribes them to refractions in wrinkles impressed on the cornea and invoking the principles of hydrostatics rejects Descartes's own suggestion that they are impressed on the crystalline lens. He concludes the Optica in Lecture 16 with a far more notable achievement an explanation of the dimensions and colors of the rainbow based on the mathematical results derived in Part I" ibid. pp. 28-36.</p> <br /> <p>Babson 155; Wallis 191; ESTC t18664. Gjertsen The Newton Handbook 1986. Shapiro ed. The Optical Papers of Isaac Newton Vol. 1 The Optical Lectures 1670-1672 1984.</p> <br/> <br/> 4to 221 x 165 mm pp xii 144 145-152 153-291 5 Addenda and corrigenda with 24 folding engraved plates some spotting scattered foxing. Contemporary marbled sheep spine gilt in compartments red morocco spine label marbled endpapers red edges a little rubbed minor abrasion to upper board. William Innys for the Royal Society unknown
17521862Spain 1752. 18th-century manuscript. Text in Spanish. 24 handwritten pages in ink in three different hands. Later binding of blank paper using old material. Tiny wormholes at the lower edge of the pages on the first 7 leaves not affecting the legibility. Occasional foxing ink ghosting. Water stains on the last 2 leaves. Overall in fine condition. 18th-century manuscript. Text in Spanish. 24 handwritten pages in ink in three different hands. ff 12. <p><br /> 18th-Century Spanish manuscript about the Spanish involvement in the French Geodesic Mission of 1735 and the Ellipsoid Model of the Earth.<br /> <p><p><br /> The manuscript is an interesting collection of contemporary reports proving the importance of the Spanish role performed by Jorge Juan y Santacilia and Antonio de Ulloa in the so-called French Geodesic Mission 1735 with a particular focus on the polemic over the shape of the Earth. The quotations are conjugated with connecting texts by an anonymous author.<br /> <p><p><br /> One of the important scientific disputes of the late 17th early 18th century was the debate on the shape of the Earth. The assumption of the spherical shape was dominating until the late 17th century when Sir Isaac Newton determined that the Earth was oblate a spheroid stretched over the Equator however at the same time Giovanni Domenico Cassini and his son Jacques supposed that the Earth was prolate stretched along the poles. Eventually in 1735 two expeditions were sent by Louis XV and the French Academy to the Arctic Circle Lapland and to the Equator Ecuador and Peru to gain certainty by measuring the meridian arcs at polar and equatorial latitudes. The equatorial mission was accompanied by two Spanish geographers Jorge Juan y Santacilia and Antonio de Ulloa thus it became the first major international scientific expedition. The findings of the missions confirmed Newton’s hypothesis that the Earth was oblate a rotational ellipsoid.<br /> <p><p><br /> The first part of the manuscript is a lengthy citation of an early Spanish report on the equatorial mission published in the Mercurio histórico y político February 1745; pp. 99–107 which is followed by further references and quotations related to the geographer’s their work and the figure of the Earth such as Benito Jerónimo Feijóo y Montenegro’s Theatro critico universal 1751 Bernardo’s de Ulloa’s Antonio’s father Restablecimento de las fabricas y comercio español 1749 and articles from the Journal de Trévoux or the Gaceta de Zaragoza. The second part is Diego de Torres Villarroel’s 1693–1770 study Prevenciones in: Libros en que estan reatados. Vol. IV.; 1752 in which de Torres the almanac writer and professor of mathematics of a dubious repute opposes the findings of the missions and Newton’s hypothesis of the oblate Earth.<br /> <p><p><br /> Antonio de Ulloa 1716–1795 was a Spanish scientist and explorer the first Spanish governor of Louisiana who is also credited as the discoverer of the element platinum. De Ulloa was a Fellow of the Royal Society and a foreign member of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences. His associate Spanish scientist in the Geodesic Mission to Peru was Jorge Juan y Santacilia 1713–1773 who during the mission also measured the heights of the mountains of the Andes. Jorge Juan was the founder of the Real Observatorio de Madrid Royal Observatory of Madrid and he became a Fellow of the Royal Society too. Their co-written memoirs were published in Spanish from 1748 on and their books were very soon translated into French English and German.<br /> <p><p><br /> Literature: Lafuente A.; Mazuecos A.: Gentlemen of the Fixed Point: Science Politics and Adventure in the Geodesic Expedition to the Viceroyalty of Peru in the XVIII Century. pp. 171–203. Retrieved on July 8 2020 from Mayboudi L. S.: chapter 5.1 In: Geometry Creation and Import With COMSOL Multiphysics. Dulles VA USA: Mercury Learning & Information 2019.; Richardson D.; et al: The International Encyclopedia of Geography People the Earth Environment and Technology: Chichester UK; Hoboken NJ: John Wiley & Sons 2017.<br /> <p>. unknown
17693016<p>1769. Hardcover. Very Good/No Dust Jacket. Printed for W. Johnston; London 1769; translated by Mr. Ralphson and Revised and Corrected by Mr. Cunn; to which is added a Treatise upon the Measures of Ratios by James Maguire the whole Illustrated and Explained in a series of Notes by the Rev. Theak</p> hardcover
177166800Amsterdam: Chez Marc Michel Rey 1771. The very scarce first edition. xvi 368 with additional 8 pp. sheet H inserted before gathering I: entitled Etat des Finances en Angleterre a la fin de la session du Parlement en 1770.<br> <br> Nineteenth-century half calf over marbled boards spine ruled in gilt with green label and gilt lettering: at foot of spine in gilt lettering 'Bibliothèque de Michel Chevalier' spine head slightly frayed. Occasional spotting and staining but a very good copy and with the bookplate of Michel Chevalier 1806-1879 follower of Saint-Simon author of the Cours d'Économie Politique and co-architect of the Anglo-French 'Cobden-Chevalier' commercial treaty of 1860. Housed in a quarter brown morocco clamshell.<br> <br> "Economique. Sur le commerce l'agriculture les finances; passages pp. 70-72 sur la populatin anglaise; pp. 183-196 et 216-335 sur la population en France et en Angleterre. En particulier nécessité d'augmenter également la population dans les villes et danse les campagnes pout éviter les déséquilibres sociaux et économiques. Analyse de plusieurs ouvrages dont un livre qualifié de rare: 'Le détail de la France' part Boisguilbert" INED. Pinto admired the Physiocrats but disagreed with them. "Pinto's Traité is written from a national as well as an international perspective. Pinto's experience as a merchant and financier in the Republic along with his knowledge of French and English economic thought laid the foundations for his European economic model. Pinto wanted above all to convince his readers of hte soundness of the British system of public debt. With the adoption of improvements in the redemption policy proposed in his book the system would achieve a high degree of perfection. In France the physiocratic opinions of the elder Mirabeau in particular required Pinto to respond and in England the otherwise admiring Hume was in disagreement. By means of a critical discussion of the work of these and other authors Pinto propagated a financial policy that he thought would benefit both the State and the individual" I.J.A. Nijenhuis Een Joodse Philosophe. Isaac de Pinto 1717-1787 Amsterdam NEHA 1992.<br> <br> Goldsmiths' 10791. Higgs 5282. Kress 6811. Palgrave III pp. 109-110.<br> <br> HBS 66800.<br> <br> $8500. Chez Marc Michel Rey unknown
170996521London: Printed for Edward Castle and Sam Buckley 1709. First complete edition in English of Littlebury's translation of the histories of Herodotus also the first appearance in English since Thomas Marshe's 1584 incomplete translation of only the first two books. Octavo two volumes. Bound in full contemporary calf with gilt titles and tooling to the spine in six compartments within raised bands red morocco spine labels stamped ruling all edged speckled red woodcut ornaments to the title pages and colophon of volume II index. From the library of George Paterson of Castle Huntly with his armorial bookplates to the pastedowns. After amassing a large fortune with the East India Company Paterson purchased the famed Scottish Castle Huntly in 1770. In very good condition. Rare and with noted provenance. Herodotus is generally considered ‘the father of history’. Departing from the Homeric chronicle ‘he was the first to collect his materials systematically to test their accuracy as far as he could and arrange his story in such a way as to appeal to as well as inform his readers’ PMM. His main theme which is also the subject of the present work was the struggle between Persia and Greece. Printed for Edward Castle and Sam Buckley hardcover
176519374Cambridge: J. Bentham 1765. FIRST EDITION. The first ten pages contain a list of subscribers mainly from Oxford and Cambridge and a corrigenda. With12 folding plates. Bound in old boards rebacked a clean and crisp copy uncut. First edition of this rather rare series of excerpts from Newton’s Principia. “Although there is no mention of it in the book itself the annotators were John Jebb M.D. Rector of Ovington Robert Thorp Archdeacon of Northumberland and Francis Wollaston Rector of Chislehurt†Babson.<br /> <br /> In addition to the myriad of books explaining the mathematics of Newton’s masterpiece published in the hundred years following the first edition the public clamored for copies and excerpts from the book itself. Jebb 1736-1786 was a medical doctor and a Fellow of the Royal Society. Thorp 1783-1862 succeeded his father as rector of Chillingham and in 1792 was created archdeacon of Northumberland. In addition to this work he published a translation of the Principia in English Mathematical principles of natural philosophy London 1777. Wollaston 1738-1826 a mathematician and son of the astronomer Francis Wollaston was a Fellow of the Royal Society.<br /> <br /> Babson 15; Wallis 20. J. Bentham unknown
17225823London: Benji & Sam. Tooke 1722. Second edition. <p>Second edition but the first authorised and edited by Newton probably with the assistance of John Machin of his treatise on algebra or 'universal arithmetic' his "most often read and republished mathematical work" Whiteside. "Included are 'Newton's identities' providing expressions for the sums of the ith powers of the roots of any polynomial equation for any integer i plus a rule providing an upper bound for the positive roots of a polynomial and a generalization to imaginary roots of René Descartes' Rule of Signs" Parkinson.</p>. NEWTON'S ALGEBRA - THE FIRST EDITION AUTHORISED AND EDITED BY NEWTON. <p>Second edition but the first authorised and edited by Newton probably with the assistance of John Machin - see below of his treatise on algebra or 'universal arithmetic' his "most often read and republished mathematical work" Whiteside Papers V p. xiv. "Included are 'Newton's identities' providing expressions for the sums of the ith powers of the roots of any polynomial equation for any integer i pp. 251-2 plus a rule providing an upper bound for the positive roots of a polynomial and a generalization to imaginary roots of René Descartes' Rule of Signs pp. 242-5" Parkinson p. 138. About this last rule for determining the number of imaginary roots of a polynomial which Newton offered without proof Gjertsen p. 35 notes: "Some idea of its originality . can be gathered from the fact that it was not until 1865 that the rule was derived in a rigorous manner by James Sylvester." The work is a printed version of lectures Newton prepared in the period 1672-83. Although the editor of the first edition William Whiston later claimed that he had Newton's permission to print the lectures Newton was far from satisfied with the result complaining that the titles and headings were not his and that it contained numerous mistakes. His real concern was that "an unfinished text composed so long before should now be presented to the world as though it represented his latest researches into the structure and applications of algebra" Papers V p. 11 and that Whiston had "too faithfully and impercipiently followed the parent manuscript incorporating in his princeps edition its several inconsistencies and lapses into error without in the main even bringing them to the reader's notice . In his private library copy of the edition Newton corrected many minor misprints inserted more appropriate running heads 'Multiplicatio' 'Divisio' 'Extractio Radicum' 'De Forma Aequationis' 'Reductio Aequationum' 'Resolutio Quaestionum Arithmeticarum Geometricarum' and the like and on the Arithmetica page 279 deleted an unwarranted half-title 'Aequationum Constructio linearis'; more radically he mapped out a large-scale reordering of the sixty-one geometrical problems comprising its central portion seeking to grade them into a more logical sequence and in increasing levels of difficulty while in the concluding section on the 'curvilinear ' construction of equations he pared away all not directly needed flesh reducing it to two skeletal conchoidal neuses now denuded of their proof. That last savage act of butchery apart all these improvements were incorporated in the Latin revise - future parent and rightfully so of all subsequent editions - which he himself brought to publication in 1722" ibid. pp. 13-14. Babson notes that "This edition was the last issued during Newton's lifetime and is almost as rare as the first." In commerce this edition is in fact much rarer than the first: ABPC/RBH list only two other copies of this edition since 1975 but ten of the first.</p> <br /> <p>"In fulfilment of his obligations as Lucasian Professor Newton first lectured on algebra in 1672 and seems to have continued until 1683. Although the manuscript of the lectures in Cambridge University Library carries marginal dates from October 1673 to 1683 it should not be assumed that the lectures were ever delivered. There are no contemporary accounts of them and apart from Cotes who made a transcript of them in 1702 they seem to have been totally ignored. Whiteside Papers V p. 5 believes that they were composed 'over a period of but a few months' during the winter of 1683-4" Gjertsen pp. 33-4.</p> <br /> <p>The Arithmetica "derives partly in its discussion of the elemental algebraic operations and of the reduction and exact solution of equations from Newton's earlier unpublished 'Observations' on the introduction to Cartesian algebra presented by Gerard Kinckhuysen in his 1661 Stelkonst partly in its techniques for delimiting the number and nature real or complex of the roots of equations and for reducing these by factorization from his own independent researches as a young postgraduate student into the theory of equations and partly in its approximate geometrical construction of cubics from his previously elaborated 'Problems for construing aequations'. Apart from novelties in detail and the fabrication of new illustrative 'questions' what is most notable is Newton's developing awareness - still far from completely expressed - of the fundamental structural equivalence which exists between the elements constants and free variables and their functional relationships of algebra and those given lines and undetermined line-lengths and their coordinate interconnections of geometry and his deepening grasp of the still more general isomorphism which permits a two-way 'translation' between mathematical 'speech' and the 'language' of exact science in all its manifestations. His guiding doctrine that algebra is 'universal arithmetick' embroiders a theme stated briefly in an opening phrase of his 1671 treatise on infinite series and fluxions and expounded in a geometrical context earlier still in preface to James Gregory's study of universal mathematical principles. Now also however he reaches tentatively forward to Barrow's notion that algebra is in its essence the abstract logic of relationships between quantities in divorce from their particular setting and hence to be developed as an independent metamathematical system" Papers V pp. 3-4.</p> <br /> <p>"We may reasonably conjecture that pressure was in some manner put upon Newton in late 1683 to fulfil however tardily his statutory obligation annually to deposit a fair copy of ten of his lecture scripts and be all but sure that the arrival in Cambridge the next spring of his young amanuensis Humphrey Newton able to take over from Isaac the dreary time-consuming chore of rewriting his much cancelled and corrected worksheets in legible and coherent form gave him new heart to codify and expand his previous mathematical investigations. But these surmises remain as unproved and essentially undemonstrable as the plausible suggestion that it was Edmond Halley's famous first visit to Cambridge in the late summer of 1684 to talk about the unsolved problem of elliptical planetary motion which provoked him abruptly to relinquish his restructuring of the Arithmetica. We may guess still more tenuously that the appearance in mid-1685 of John Wallis' voluminous Treatise of Algebra Both Historical and Practical would have long deterred Newton from making any efforts to have his own rival studies made publicly available. In later years certainly he grew increasingly soured with the often cumbersome computations and techniques of Cartesian algebra - at one point indeed if we may believe David Gregory he qualified it as 'the Analysis of the Bunglers in Mathematicks - and we may be certain that his reluctance during 1705-6 to have Whiston edit the deposited text of his algebraic lectures was not merely the manifestation of a growing personal antagonism to his successor in the Lucasian chair" ibid. pp. xi-xii.</p> <br /> <p>"When Newton resigned his Lucasian professorship to his deputy William Whiston in December 1701 it was natural that the latter should wish to familiarize himself with the deposited lectures of his predecessor. Whiston did not hesitate to introduce portions of Newton's earlier optical lectures concerning the mathematical theory of the rainbow into his own Lucasian Praelectiones physico-mathematica in the spring of 1706 and about that time also he turned his attention to the succeeding ones on algebra and began to consider their publication. In the meantime rumours began to spread in both Oxford and London that 'Newton's friends solicit him to publish a Treatise of Algebra which he wrote long since. If such ill-founded whispers penetrated to Cambridge Whiston ignored them and went quietly ahead arranging with the London stationer to underwrite the expense of printing the deposited manuscript and then subsequently between September 1705 and the following June correcting both specimen and proof sheets as they emerged from the compositor's bench at the University Press. In February 1706 David Gregory accurately noted in his memoranda that 'Its talked that there is now printing at Cambridge Elements or Principles of Algebra written long since by Sir Isaac Newton but withdrew his added remark that it was 'lately revised by him' when he saw Newton in London in July and was given a first-hand account of the history of the 'Algebra that is printing and near printed at Cambridge'. Though as Whiston was later to announce publicly Newton had given his reluctant approval for the edition . Despite its minor inconsistencies and confusions Gregory's report vividly conveys Newton's concern that an unfinished text composed so long before should now be presented to the world as though it represented his latest researches into the structure and applications of algebra" pp. 8-11.</p> <br /> <p>For a book that was to become Newton's most often republished mathematical work the Arithmetica initially made little impact in Britain and was not even graced by a review in the Philosophical Transactions. On the Continent the reception accorded the lectures was more positive. "Leibniz unhesitatingly divining their author beneath the cloak of anonymity gave them a long review in the Acta Eruditorum of Leipzig in 1708. Written thirty years before he noted and now deservingly printed by William Whiston he assured the reader that 'you will find in this little book certain particularities that you will seek in vain in great tomes on analysis.' His close associate Johann Bernoulli despite some adverse remarks paid Newton the compliment in 1728 of basing his own course on the elements of algebra upon Newton's text. Perhaps partly in consequence of Newton's recent death in Britain too the book began about this time to arouse greater interest than when it was first issued in 1707" Hall p. 174.</p> <br /> <p>Despite the impressive contributions of the work to the theory of equations mentioned earlier it is difficult to pigeonhole the work as being either algebraic or geometric. From one point of view the Arithmetica can be seen as a fulfillment of the programme outlined by Descartes in the Géométrie because it teaches how geometrical problems and also arithmetical and mechanical ones can be translated into the language of algebra. Paradoxically however Newton criticized Descartes maintaining that at least in some cases Apollonian geometry is to be preferred to Cartesian algebra in the analysis of indeterminate problems. Modern analysts he complained had confused algebra and geometry: "The Ancients so assiduously distinguished them one from the other that they never introduced arithmetical terms into geometry. recent people by confusing both have lost the simplicity in which all elegance in geometry consists" Papers V p. 429. The last section of the work 'The linear construction of equations' pp. 279-326 is particularly anti-Cartesian the term 'linear' in this context does not refer to straight lines but derives from Pappus. Newton here deals with the problem of constructing cubics third-degree equations that Descartes solved via the intersection of a circle and a parabola. Newton proposed instead to use a curve of degree higher than the conics as a means of construction namely the conchoid a fourth-degree curve. Newton regarded the conchoid as preferable because it has a mechanical construction and leads to a more elegant solution of the problem.</p> <br /> <p>The present 1722 revision is "the standard text of the Arithmetica published much as before 'Impensis Benj. & Sam. Tooke'. It appeared to Newton's first editor that 'that acute Mathematician Mr. John Machin Professor of Astronomy at Gresham College . and one of the Secretaries of the Royal Society published this Work again by the Author's later Desire or Permission; I lay no claim to it' Whiston Memoirs; John Conduitt's memorandum King's College Cambridge. Keynes MS 130.5 again adds the clarification that 'Machin overlooked the press for which Sir I intended to have given him 100 Guineas but he made him wait 3 years for a preface & then did not write one'. Elsewhere Keynes MS 130.6 2 Conduitt noted that 'Sir I. told me that Machin understood his Principia better than anybody that Halley was the best Astronomer but Machin the best Geometer'. Newton's active stage-managing of the 1722 revise can be documented in several ways: most notably a stray autograph sentence on an otherwise clean folio page now ULC. Add. 3960.7: 95 differs by only a single trivial adverb from an inserted footnote clarifying the reference to the unimplemented 'Regulae post docendae' on page 52 of the deposited copy. The ubiquitous presence of its author's editorial hand was not missed by W. J. 's Gravesande when he came to reissue the Arithmetica ten years later: 'Secunda vice liber in lucem prodiit Londini 1722; sed in statu perfectiore ut quis facile percipiat non omnino foetum abdicasse virum Celeberrimum; ordo propositionum non tantum mutatus est sed in ipsis solutionibus & demonstrationibus correctiones multae reperiuntur non nisi ipsi Auctori tribuendae'" ibid. p. 14 n 60.</p> <br /> <p>"Benjamin Tooke the London publisher and printer he was Queen's printer had eight books published at the Cambridge Press all of them by Whiston between 1702 and 1712. There are two London printer's ornaments used in this volume pp. 283 & 289 and nowhere else but we know that the woodcuts for the illustrations in the 1707 edition were delivered to Cambridge possibly from London 6d. was paid for the parcel. So far as one can tell the woodcuts are identical and we must assume they had been reclaimed by Tooke. Unfortunately we have no letters from Newton about the printing history of this volume" Macclesfield sale catalogue.</p> <br /> <p>Babson 200; Macclesfield 1520; Wallis 278. Gjertsen Newton Handbook 1986. Hall Isaac Newton 1992. Westfall Never at Rest 1983.</p> <br/> <br/> 8vo pp. iv 332 including half-title with list of books on verso woodcut diagrams throughout ink name of Newton on half-title ink inscription identifying Newton as author and another Whiston as editor on title slightly browned. Contemporary panelled calf ink signature of former owner Robert Andrews on front free endpaper corners and edges rubbed joints splitting spine rubbed. Benji & Sam. Tooke unknown
1730035995London: William Innys 1730. 4th Edition 1st Printing. Hardcover. Near Fine. New Calf Spine And Tips Over Marbled Paper Covered Boards New Endpapers. Two Preliminary Blanks Title Advertisements To First Second And Fourth Editions382 Pp 12 Folding Plates And Two Pages Of Publisher's Ads At Rear. Page Block 19.5 Cm Text Block 6.5" X 3 1/2" From Top To Bottom Of Printed Area Including Page Running Headings Tall. Top Edge Of Page Block Is Dark Grey Or Black Fore Edge And Bottom Edge Red All Polished. Leaves 7 5/8" Tall; Binding 7 3/4" X 5 3/16". The Last And Best Edition Prepared By Newton Corrected From The Third Edition By Newton; In This Fourth Edition Of 1730 There Are 31 Queries And It Is The Famous "31St Query" That Over The Next Two Hundred Years Stimulated A Great Deal Of Speculation And Development On Theories Of Chemical Affinity. The Publishers Have Added To This Edition Several Citations From The Lectiones Opticae 1669-1671 To Show Where Demonstrations Omitted From The Opticks May Be Found. Unusually Well Preserved Binding Fine Contents Clean Some Tiny Foxing Spots Mainly In Margins And Mainly Towards Beginning Of Book; Very Slight Wear To Edges Of Page Block. . <br/> <br/> William Innys hardcover
1771180611Amsterdam: Marc Michel Rey 1771. The beginner of the modern age of economics First edition of "one of the great documents in the history of political economy" Encyclopaedia Judaica p. 533 arguing that an expanding system of national debt would lead to economic prosperity. Written in refutation of the physiocrats the treatise contended that public debt when managed responsibly could support commercial growth by increasing liquidity credit and monetary circulation. Britain Pinto argued showed the model for a high debt as a bedrock of economic success. Beyond this he defended credit and circulation as the basic form of economic endeavour against what he termed the physiocrats' "frenzy of the soil". Implicitly he was defending the Jews who had long been denigrated for their role in the financial sphere. One of the most prominent Jewish economic writers of the 18th century Pinto's importance has long been recognized. "Marx called him 'the Pindar of the Amsterdam stock exchange' for his advocacy of speculation. Werner Sombart regarded him as the beginner of the modern age of economics and the first to understand the growth of credit. Sée claimed he was the first to say that speculation was useful" Encyclopaedia Judaica. Provenance: Arnold Heertje 1934-2020 Dutch economist with his bookplate; "W. Fredsberg" with their ownership signature on the front free endpaper and initial blank versos dated 1821 and 1818 respectively and again to title all struck through in an early hand. Octavo 198 x 120 mm pp. xvi 128 8129-368 2; bound with the additional 8-page note on the state of English finances in 1770 interim half-sheet H and the terminal errata; without the 16-page "Addition" sometimes found. Contemporary marbled calf twin red and green morocco labels gilt in compartments marbled endpapers red edges. Binding firm and fresh with only a hint of rubbing; scattered very light foxing and browning to contents else clean: an excellent copy. Einaudi 4447; Goldsmiths' 10791; Higgs 5282; INED 3603; Kress 6811; Mattioli 2851; McCulloch p. 347; Quérard VII 183. Encyclopaedia Judaica Volume 13 1972. unknown
179514355<p>Charing Cross Road Large-scale engraved map on six sheets original hand-colour in outline. </p><p>Isaac Taylor was born in Worcester in 1730 and earned an early reputation as a surveyor of both county maps and city plans. His style was easily recognisable and gave particular emphasis to the hills on his county maps; Herefordshire 1754 Hampshire 1759 Dorset 1765 Worcestershire 1772 and Gloucestershire 1777. It is surprising that Taylor like Rocque and Jefferys was not successful in gaining the approval of the Society of Arts who appeared to favour the amateur surveyors rather than the professional mapmakers Nearly all the awards went to applicants who produced just one or two maps rather than men like Taylor and Jefferys who between them published fifteen fine large-scale map accurately surveyed and well engraved and in some instances more competent than most of those that were recognised by the Society.</p><p>On the first edition of 1765 the title and dedication cartouches took up most of the bottom left-hand sheet with the bottom right-hand corner containing an extensive key. Both have been removed by William Faden for this second edition with a more sober title and a rationalisation of the key together with the removal of the majority of the ships to the sea. Although the numerous engraved notes remain which refer to the stranding of many vessels and a long engraved note just off Weymouth refers to the "Chesil Bank where The Stones at Portland are about the size of an Egg opposite Fleet and Langston they are much smaller; at Beckingston they are scarcely bigger than Pease and between Swyre and Barton-cliffe where the Bank ends it is entirely a fine clear Sand" The legend goes on to remark about composition of the soil – a firm clay – beneath the pebbles. A large part of the top three sheets is occupied by six topographical views within the county – Corfe Castle Maiden Castle The Amphitheatre at Dorchester Lulworth Castle the Observatory at Horton and Sherborne Castle.</p><p>Taylor's map was acknowledged as an outstanding piece of work at the time and was the first map to be put forward for the prestigious Society of Arts Award just ahead of Donn's Devon. Despite tremendous efforts however to win the coveted prize it was unsuccessful due to the slight inaccuracy of its place names which proved unacceptable to some of the local gentry. Even so it is a paricularly rare map with the present copy in fantastic condition with full original colour.</p><p>Many of the errors which cost Taylor his prize such as place names were amended by William Faden on the present map who had acquired much of Taylor's stock following his death in 1788. The most notable addition is the maps highlighting of the numerous trunk roads together with the distance in miles marked between market towns.</p> hardcover
17715136166113<p><strong>NEWTON MARTIN Benjamin</strong><strong>.</strong> <em>Philosophia Britannica: Or A New and Comprehensive System of the Newtonian Philosophy Astronomy and Geography; In a Course of Twelve Lectures; With Notes; Containing the Physical Mechanical Geometrical and Experimental Proofs and Illustrations of All the Principal Propositions in Every Branch of Natural Science: Also a Particular Account of the Invention Structure Improvement and Uses of All the Considerable Instruments Engines and Machines; With New Calculations Relating to Their Nature Power and Operation.</em></p><p>London: Printed for W. Strahan; J. & F. Rivington; W. Johnston; Hawes & Co.; T. Carnan and F. Newbery; B. Collins; W. Frederick; and sold by the Author at his House in Fleet-Street 1771. Third edition. Complete in four volumes. Three text volumes plus a separate atlas volume of plates. Quarto. Approximately 8.5" x 5.5". Vol. I: xxx 333pp 3 ads; Vol. II: xiv 390pp 2 ads; Vol. III: x 405pp index. Atlas volume with 81 engraved copperplates the majority folding. Contemporary or near-contemporary half marbled calf over marbled boards with one repair to the upper spine of Vol. IV. Bindings sound and well-aligned. Engraved plates clean and strong with no losses; folds supple and correctly opening. Text generally clean throughout with manuscript annotations on the versos of the plates linking them to the relevant portions of text. Overall Very Good to Very Good.</p><p>Third and expanded edition of Benjamin Martin's monumental exposition of Newtonian natural philosophy combining physics astronomy geography mechanics and experimental science into a single unified system. The work includes extensive treatment of optics celestial motion gravitation hydrostatics pneumatics electricity and the mechanical powers alongside detailed explanations of contemporary scientific instruments and experimental apparatus. The separate atlas volume contains 81 finely engraved plates illustrating astronomical systems orreries telescopes microscopes air pumps electrical machines engines survey instruments and mechanical demonstrations.</p><p>This third edition represents the fully mature state of Martin's project as a practical synthesis of Newtonian science for broad professional use in the later eighteenth century. Unlike earlier editions which often survive without the full engraved apparatus this issue consolidates the theoretical text and the mechanical-visual program into a coherent instructional system. The separate atlas format allows for larger clearer mechanical and astronomical engravings than the inline plates of earlier printings making this edition particularly well suited for institutional reference in the history of science technology and scientific pedagogy.</p> Printed for W. Strahan; J. & F. Rivington; W. Johnston; Hawes & Co.; T. Carnan and F. Newbery; B. Collins; W. Frederick hardcover
171938274London Impensis Gul. & Joh. Innys 1719 colophon: Londini: Ex Officina Gulielmi Bowyer 1718. 8vo. Contemp. full calf. Corners fronthinge and spineends professionally repaired. Inner hinges reinforced. Gilt lineborders on back. Titlelabel in red leather with gilt lettering. Old owners name stamped on titlepage small.Instead of htitle is bound "Catalogus Librorum prostantium apud Gul. & Joh. Innys" 1 leaf the Cataloque is furthermore bound at end but with a different typography. 2XI1415 pp. and 12 folded engraved plates. Very light brownning to a few margins. Printed on good paper in general fine and clean internally. <br/><br/><em>Scarce second Latin edition of Newton's "Optics: or a Treatise of the Reflections Refractions Inflections and Colours of Light. London 1704." one of the great books in the history of science. "Newton's Optics did for Light what his Principia had done for Gravitation namely placed it on a scientific basis." E.W. Brown. The translation was brought to light "At the request of Newton Dr. Samuel Clarke prepared a Latin edition of his Optics which appeared 1706 and he was generously presented by Sir Isaac with GBP 500 or GBP 100 for each of his five children as a token of the appreciation and gratitude of the author. DeMoivre is said to have secured and taken charge of this translation and to have spared neither time nor trouble in the task. Newton met him every evening at a coffe-house and when they have finished their work he took De Moivre home with him to spend the evening in philosophical conversation."Brewster in his "Newton" 1855"."In the accumulation of optical phenomena from his first paper the short memoir in Philosophical Transaction 1672 until the above book the Optics. 33 years later Newton had gathered explanations to many problems. The rainbow is fully explained and also "Newton's rings" produced by pressing the flat side of a plano-convex glass against a double convex lens of long focal lenght producing rings of alternating brightness and darkness; his explanation was not valid as he did not know optical interference. He speculated on the double refraction of Icelandic spar." Dibner in Heralds of Science No 148 - G.J. Gray No 180. </em> hardcover
1730187897London: Printed for William Innys 1730. The definitive edition of Newton's second great work Fourth edition the final edition to be revised and approved by Newton himself. The Opticks is Newton's definitive study of light the basis for the corpuscular theory of light rays that remained dominant into the 19th century. The Opticks's greatest achievement is showing that colour is a mathematically definable property. Newton demonstrates that white light is a mixture of infinitely varied coloured rays and that each ray is definable by the angle through which it is refracted. Other topics include colour circles theories of the rainbow and the phenomenon now known as Newton's rings. In his later years Newton made a sustained effort to tidy up his scientific legacy. This edition of the Opticks was published three years after his death by his long-time publisher drawing on corrections "by the Author's own Hand" preface. In those three years Newtonian devotees had published the Optical Lectures 1728 that he had delivered at Cambridge in the 1660s making public a work that he had only circulated in manuscript among close friends. The Lectures employed a more mathematical analysis of colour theory than did the Opticks and Innys' fourth edition harmonizes the two works by cross-referencing philosophical propositions in the latter with geometrical demonstrations in the former. Octavo 195 x 123 mm pp. viii 382 2. Complete with terminal advertisement leaf and 12 folding plates. Wood-engraved initials head- and tailpieces. Twentieth-century calf spine ruled and decorated in blind and with red morocco label marbled endpapers edges sprinkled red. Minimal foxing to contents paper flaw to lower outer corner of K1 text unaffected plates crisp: a very good copy indeed. Babson 136; ESTC T69138; Gray 178; Wallis 178. unknown
1799162628London: John Stockdale 1799. An enthusiastic admirer of the beauties of nature First edition with the index incorrectly identifying the fourth plate. This work handsomely illustrated from the author's sketches "was regarded as the great authority of the period on American subjects. There can be no question that the colonization of Canada was mainly promoted and influenced by this book" Bibliotheca Americana. Isaac Weld 1774-1856 left Dublin for Philadelphia in 1795 and "accompanied by a faithful servant sometimes on horseback sometimes on foot or in a canoe he made his way often under the guidance of Native Americans through the vast forests and along the great rivers. He narrowly escaped shipwreck on Lake Erie and experienced all the adventure incident to passing through an unsettled country while in the towns he mixed in the best society and had the privilege of meeting George Washington" ODNB. Aside from the attractive folding map the work includes plans of Washington DC and Quebec; maps of Canada and the Niagara Falls; three views of the Falls; and an illustration of an "American stage waggon" leaving a staging post. The work proved popular going through four editions by 1807 and being translated into French German and Dutch. The plate showing the Hudson River is labelled as "View of the Patowmac River from Mount Vernon". The index of the second edition is corrected. Quarto 270 x 207 mm pp. xxiv 464 8. Engraved frontispiece and 14 plates views and plates one folding map hand-coloured in outline; 8 pp. publisher's advertisements at end. Contemporary speckled calf smooth spine with gilt bands red morocco spine label covers ruled in blind. Brent Gration-Maxfield 1916-1983 book collector and scholar with his ownership signature dated 1969 on front pastedown and extensive neatly pencilled bibliographic notes on the front free endpaper; contemporary gift note loosely inserted. Binding refurbished with gilt retouched superficial abrasions to covers folding map with short tear at stub small paper tears to b3 and G1. A very good copy. Bibliotheca Americana 3282; Howes W235; Lowndes 2868; Sabin 102541. unknown
178225494<p><strong>1782 Isaac NEWTON Works OPTICS Ancient Kingdoms Gravity Mundi Systemate Horsley</strong></p><p><em>"Whence arises all that order and beauty we see in the world" </em></p><p>― Isaac Newton<em> Opticks</em></p><p>Few names in the course of the history of science have been as influential as Isaac Newton. His works such as '<em>Opticks'</em> summarized great discoveries and theories concerning light and color reflections color wheel invention of the telescope early theories of the rainbow and Newtonian rings – <strong><u>one of the greatest works on optics</u></strong>. '<em>Opticks'</em> in addition to his other famous treatises were published together in the 1782 collected works of Newton by Samuel Horsley. </p><p>This set of three volumes from the Horsley collected edition includes not only '<em>Opticks'</em> but works such as "<em>Chronology of Ancient Kingdoms</em>" correspondence with Boyle on gravity and "<em>De mundi systemate</em>" or "<em>Systems of the World".</em></p><p>Item number: #25493</p><p>Price: $4950</p><p>NEWTON Isaac</p><p><strong><em>Opera Quae Exstant Omnia</em></strong></p><p>Londini: Excudebat Joannes Nichols 1782-1785.</p><p><u>Details</u>: </p><p><!-- if !supportLists-->· <!--endif-->Collation: 3 volumes</p><p><!-- if !supportLists-->o <!--endif-->Vol. III – 10 174 5 180-242 3 246-437 8 4-48</p><p><!-- if !supportLists-->§ <!--endif-->plates no.2-11</p><p><!-- if !supportLists-->o <!--endif-->Vol. IV – 9 6-264 5 270-617p</p><p><!-- if !supportLists-->§ <!--endif-->12 plates</p><p><!-- if !supportLists-->o <!--endif-->Vol. V – 11 550p</p><p><!-- if !supportLists-->§ <!--endif-->3 folding plates</p><p><!-- if !supportLists-->· <!--endif-->Language: English</p><p><!-- if !supportLists-->· <!--endif-->Binding: Modern Leather; tight and secure</p><p><!-- if !supportLists-->· <!--endif-->Size: ~12in X 9.75in 30.5cm x 24.5cm</p><p>Our Guarantee:</p><p>Very Fast. Very Safe. Free Shipping Worldwide.</p><p>Customer satisfaction is our priority! Notify us with 7 days of receiving and we will offer a full refund without reservation!</p><p>163</p> Joannes Nichols hardcover
17991299131799. First Edition. WELD Isaac. Travels through the States of North America and the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada During the Years 1795 1796 and 1797. London: John Stockdale 1799. Quarto contemporary full diced tan calf rebacked with original elaborately gilt-decorated spine laid down raised bands all edges marbled. $4800.First edition of this fascinating account of ""all the adventures incident to passing through an unsettled country"" with two maps one folding and hand-colored in outline plans of the cities of Washington and Quebec and 12 full-page copper-engraved plates of scenic views including ""The Horse-Shoe Fall of Niagara.""Weld arrived in America in 1795 at the age of 19 and ""accompanied by a faithful servant sometimes on horseback sometimes on foot or in a canoe he made his way often under the guidance of Indians through the vast forests and along the great rivers. He narrowly escaped shipwreck on Lake Erie and experienced all the adventures incident to passing through an unsettled country. While in the towns he mixed in the best society and had the privilege of meeting George Washington"" Cox. The journey took him through Virginia Pennsylvania and New York and then ""from Montreal to Quebec thence up to St. Lawrence and the lakes to Kingston Niagara and Detroit with comment on the country its settlement and administration. Weld an Irishman came to explore the possibilities of Canada and the United States as fields for Irish emigration"" Staton & Tremaine. Weld's travels are told through a series of 38 letters chronicling the two years he spent in North America and was one of the most popular narratives of the day. Translated into many languages Weld's account ""was regarded as the great authority of the period on American subjects"" Allibone III 2636. Includes examinations of taverns slave conditions tobacco cultivation and Indian tribes. ""In the first edition the view of the Hudson River is incorrectly designated on the plate itself and in the list of plates as 'View on or of the Patowmac River from Mount Vernon.' A number of copies have an erratum slip noting the error pasted at the foot of the list of plates or facing it"" Sabin 102541. This copy has no erratum slip suggesting it may be among the earliest copies preceding the discovery of the error. Without publisher's advertisements. A second edition in two volumes was also published in 1799. Sabin 102541. Howes W235. Cox II 176. Staton & Tremaine 708. Stevens 2808. Stiles 1921. Lowndes 2868. Rich 1799. In a royal armorial binding possibly from Carlton House the residence of George IV during the regency with a royal armorial bookplate.Mild dampstaining to top edge of frontispiece and title page text fairly clean with modest foxing to maps and plates one leaf with minor expert paper repair; handsome contemporary binding with light wear. hardcover