66 618 résultats
12mo. 1 p. 8vo. ½ p. 8vo. ¾ p. Oblong 12mo. 1 p. Letters from November 1872, to the publisher Maurice Lachâtre, concerning the manuscripts for the ongoing publication of the French edition of "Das Kapital" (1872-75). Marx experiences problems with the postal service and is increasingly impatient with the printer Louis Justin Lahure, who fails to send him copies of the proofs. - I. Accompanying letter to the replacement for a manuscript that has been lost by the French mail, according to an earlier letter: "Ci-inclus la suite du manuscrit 'perdu'; à demain la fin, et du manuscrit de M. Roy que j’avais prêt, c. à d. corrigé. Pourquoi n’ai-je pas encore reçu les dernières épreuves de livr[aisons] 8 et 9 ? Vous les aviez envoyés à Bordeaux où M. Roy n’est pas pour le moment. Mais quoiqu’il est très juste et même dicté par les convenances de lui envoyer des épreuves, cela ne devrait jamais devenir une cause de retard. Les corrections sont faites ici et non par lui. Longuet - qui demeure à Oxford - vous fait saluer [...]" (5 Nov. 1872) ("Enclosed is the continuation of the 'lost' manuscript. Until tomorrow the rest, and the manuscript of M. Roy that I have ready, that is corrected. Why have I not already received the last proofs of the instalments 8 and 9? You sent them to Bordeaux where M. Roy currently is not. But although it is quite correct and even dictated by convention to send him the proofs, this can never become the cause for a delay. The corrections are done here and not by him. Longuet, who stays in Oxford, sends you greetings [...]"). - The postscript concerning a possible Italian translation of "Das Kapital" reads: "Je ne sais plus si je vous ai déjà communiqué que deux traducteurs - le général La Cecilia et Bignami (rédacteur de La Plebe à Lodi) se sont offerts pour la traduction italienne" ("I do not remember anymore whether I already communicated to you that two translators - General La Cecilia and Bignami (editor of La Plebe in Lodi) offered themselves for an Italian translation"). - II. Concerning further pages of the manuscript and missing proofs: "Je vous envoie aujourd’hui du manuscrit, p. 365-416 (inclus). Veuillez bien m’en accuser réception. Des trois placards (à commencer par 16) que M. Lahure m’a envoyés je n’ai reçu qu’un seul exemplaire, et je regrette d’avoir à répéter toujours de nouveau qu’il me faut deux exemplaires de chaque placard. Il me faut donc envoyer un nouveau exemplaire de chaque placard [...]" (18 Nov. 1872) ("Today I send you pages 365 to 416 (enclosed). Please acknowledge their receipt. Of the three proofs (beginning with 16) that M. Lahure sent me, I have not received but a single copy and I regret that I always must repeat that I need two copies of each proof. Therefore I need to be sent a new copy of each proof [...]"). - III. Explaining problems with the English mail in sending the manuscripts: "Il paraît que les agents subalternes de la Poste Anglaise avaient demandé à ma servante un affranchissement 'insuffisant' et qu’ensuite l’administration supérieure nous punit pour les péchés de ses propres gens. J’ai immédiatement arrangé l’affaire et j’espère qu’on expédiera le manuscrit aujourd’hui. J’attends encore - en vain jusqu’ici - l’envoi par M. Lahure d’un second exemplaire des placards 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30. Par cela on me fait perdre le temps […]" (23 Nov.) ("It seems that the subordinate employees of the English mail asked my servant for 'insufficient' postage and that, later, the higher echelons punished us for the sins of their own people. I immediately sorted out the affair and I hope that they will dispatch the manuscript today. I am still waiting - so far in vain - for the shipment from M. Lahure of a second copy of the proofs 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30. Thus I lose time [...]"). - IV. Complaining about the missing proofs: "Je n’ai pas encore reçu le[s] duplicates des placards que vous m’aviez annoncé dans votre dernière lettre. J’espère que vous mettrez fin, une fois pour toutes à ces procédés dilatoires de M. Lahure […]" (28 Nov.) ("I have not yet received the copies of the proofs that you announced to me in your most recent letter. I expect that you will make an end to these dilatory proceedings by M. Lahure once and for all [...]"). - All letters with an inventory note and two minuscule holes from stapling. The letter from 23 Nov. with frayed left border (no text loss). Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
8vo. 488 pp. Publisher's original brown leatherette binding. First French edition, containing an extremely rare calligraphic inscription, brush-written by Mao Zedong in 1965 shortly before the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, to the foreign diplomat Charles Meyer (1923-2004). The French national Meyer spent 25 years in Indochina, including 15 years in Cambodia during the 1950s and 1960s, serving King (and later Head of State) Norodom Sihanouk as media and public affairs advisor. He formed part of the Sangkum government’s inner power circle and served as the author and editor of many official government publications. He also wrote several books on Cambodia, including the historical accounts "Behind the Khmer Smile" (Plon, 1971) and "The French in Indochina: 1860-1910" (Hachette, 1996). Meyer left the country in 1970 in the wake of the coup d’état and the advent of the Khmer Republic. - When in the early 1960s Prince Sihanouk came to recognize revolutionary China as Cambodia's most valuable ally, Meyer took part in several high-level meetings in Beijing and on the Yangtze River that the Prince held with Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, and Chairman Liu Shaoqi. He was present at the 1964 talks with Zhou Enlai to promote Khmero-Chinese friendship and a member of the Cambodian delegations in 1964 and 1965. It was on one of these diplomatic missions that Mao Zedong honoured Meyer by this exceptionally rare token of his esteem. - Finely preserved. OCLC 42966802.
Large 8vo. 2 pp. on bifolium. On scritta stationery with printed letterhead of the "General Council of the International Working Men's Association, 256, High Holborn, London, W.C.". In German. A political article written for publication in the "Volksstaat", the official newspaper of the Social Democratic Workers' Party, edited by Wilhelm Liebknecht in Leipzig. Marx, writing as "Secretary of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association for Germany", defends himself against false reports published by the "Paris-Journal" concerning supposed anti-German tendencies among the French members of the "International". Only a few weeks earlier, on 26 February, the Treaty of Versailles had ended the Franco-Prussian War of 1871. - "The Paris-Journal, one of the most successful organs of the Paris police press, published an article in its March 14 issue, under the sensational heading 'Le Grand Chef de l'Internationale' [...]. 'He', begins the article, 'is, as everyone knows, a German, what is even worse, a Prussian. He calls himself Karl Marx, lives in Berlin, etc. Well now! This Karl Marx is displeased with the behaviour of the French members of the International. This in itself shows what he is like. He finds that they continually spend too much time dealing with politics and not enough with social questions. This is his opinion, he has formulated it quite categorically in a letter to his brother and friend, Citizen Serraillier, one of the Paris high priests of the International. Marx begs the French members [...] not to lose sight of the fact that their association has a single goal: to organise the work and the future of the workers' societies. But people are disorganising the work rather than organising it, and he believes that the offenders must be reminded again of the association's rules [...]'. In its issue of March 19, the Paris-Journal does indeed have a letter allegedly signed by me which [...] found its way into the London papers. [...] The letter, as I have already explained in The Times, is a brazen fake from beginning to end. That same Paris-Journal and other organs of Paris's 'good Press' are spreading the rumour that the Federal Council of the International in Paris has taken the decision [...] to expel the Germans from the International Working Men's Association. The London dailies hastily grabbed the welcome news and published it in malicious instigating leaders about the suicide of the International at long last. Unfortunately, today The Times contains the following announcement by the General Council of the International Working Men's Association: '[...] Neither the Federal Council of our association in Paris nor any of the Paris sections that it represents have ever dreamed of taking such a decision. The so-called Anti-German League, in so far as it exists at all, is exclusively the work of the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie. It was brought to life by the Jockey Club and kept going with the consent of the Academy, the Stock Exchange, some of the bankers and factory owners, and so forth. The working class has never had anything to do with it. The purpose of this calumny is immediately obvious. Shortly before the recent war broke out, the International had to be the scapegoat for all the unpopular events. The same tactics are now being repeated. While Swiss and Prussian papers, e.g., are denouncing it as the originator of the injustices against the Germans in Zürich, the French papers [...] are simultaneously reporting on certain secret meetings of the Internationals in Geneva and Berne, under the chairmanship of the Prussian ambassador, at which the plan is to be devised of handing over Lyon to the united Prussians and the Internationals for the purpose of jointly plundering it.' So much for the statement of the General Council. It is quite natural that the important dignitaries and the ruling classes of the old society who can only maintain their own power and the exploitation of the productive masses of the people by national conflicts and antagonisms, recognise their common adversary in the International Working Men's Association. All and any means are good to destroy it [...]" (transl.). Marx signs in full as "Karl Marx, Secretary of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association for Germany". - The writing of this article coincided with the formation of the Paris Commune, about which Marx later wrote that it would "be forever celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a new society" ("The Civil War in France", MEW 17, p. 362). The article was published in the "Volksstaat" on 29 March 1871 and also in other newspapers of the "International", as well as in the paper "Die Zukunft", edited by Johann Jacoby. - Tiny flaw to lower right corner of the first leaf, resulting in very slight loss to the lower loop of one letter "h". A single ink smudge by Marx's own hand; a few tiny edge tears. The headline has been crossed out by the an editor and replaced by the new title "Erklärung" ("Declaration"). - Complete manuscripts by Karl Marx are of the utmost rarity in the trade. Published under the original title in MEW 17, pp. 298-300, as "An die Redaktionen des 'Volksstaats' und der 'Zukunft'" in MEGA I.22, pp. 5-8 (English ed., pp. 288-290).
8vo. 1¼ pp. on bifolium. To the publisher Maurice Lachâtre, detailing his conditions for an envisaged biography of Karl Marx and a history of the Communist Party: "Dans votre lettre du 16 mars, vous paraissez croire que 'je vous présente un livre sur le parti communiste' tandis que c’est vous qui, en me demandant d’écrire une biographie sérieuse de Marx, m’aviez demandé l’histoire de ce parti. Marx ayant mené une vie essentiellement active, raconter sa vie, c’est faire l’histoire du mouvement philosophique & révolutionnaire allemand & international depuis 1842 pour y tracer sa participation personnelle & l’influence de ses écrits. Si vous ne désirez qu’une biographie de reporter, c’est déjà fait. L’Illustration en a publié une, & si vous m’en envoyez un exemplaire, je suis prêt d’y faire les corrections nécessaires. L’étude que je comptais faire devant être un travail sérieux, j’aurais cru vous faire injure en supposant que vous qui dans cette affaire commerciale prenez le rôle de capitaliste, vous auriez voulu échapper à cette première règle sociale, appliquée même dans notre société bourgeoise, que le capitaliste paie le travailleur proportionnellement à son travail. Cependant, comme vous dites que vous n’agrandissez votre capital que pour le mettre au service de la communauté, je consens à donner mon travail, à la condition que vous consacrerez une somme à la fondation d’un organe international hebdomadaire dont le besoin est impérieux pour le parti, & que Marx rédigerait [...]". ("In your letter of March 16 you appear to believe that 'I present you a book on the Communist Party' although it is you who, in asking me to write a serious biography of Marx, has asked me for a history of the party. As he led an essentially active life, to recount Marx's life is to write the history of the German and international philosophical and revolutionary movement since 1842, so as to trace his personal participation and the influence of his writings. If you just expect a reporter's biography, that has already been done. 'L'Illustration' published one and if you send me a copy of it I am willing to do the necessary corrections. The study that I hoped to undertake must be a serious work. I would have believed to have wronged you in supposing that you, who in this commercial matter takes the role of the capitalist, would have wished to escape from that first social rule which is applied even in our bourgeois society that the capitalist pays the worker in proportion to his labor. However, since you say that you only increase your capital in order to allocate it to the community, I consent to give my labour under the condition that you will grant a sum to the foundation of an international weekly organ that is urgently needed by the party and that Marx would edit [...]"). - In a letter to Lachâtre from 16 March 1872, Engels had quite enthusiastically agreed to the project in principle but urged the publisher to set out his conditions. The response apparently left Engels dissatisfied. Although he was still willing to collaborate with Lachâtre, the project never came about. The present letter reveals the interesting detail that Engels planned to publish a weekly organ for the First International with Karl Marx as editor. Between 1872 and 1875 Maurice Lâchatre published the first French translation of "Das Kapital" and was therefore in close contact with Marx. - Slightly creased with traces of dog-ears to the lower corners. Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
8vo. Altogether 5 pp. and 2 lines on 3 ff. (some notes in copying pencil on p. 6 in a different hand). Important autograph draft letters signed about the Zimmerwald Conference, calculating how many votes the central committee of the Bolshevik faction will have at the conference, criticising Karl Radek's proposed address, of which he has a copy, for its lack of references to the fight against chauvinism, referring to Schklowsky, to the Swiss socialist Robert Grimm, and offering advice to his unidentified correspondent. - The Zimmerwald Conference, later to be called "the founding myth of the Soviet Union", was held at the "Beau Séjour" Hotel in Zimmerwald, Switzerland, from 5 to 8 September 1915. It was the first of three international socialist conferences convened by anti-militarist socialist parties from countries that were originally neutral during World War I. Among the 37 members were Karl Radek, Leo Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev, and Lenin. With the Zimmerwald Conference began the unravelling of the coalition between revolutionary socialists (the so-called "Zimmerwald Left") and reformist socialists in the Second International.
Oblong folio (ca. 316 x 226 mm). Brown ink on paper, 16 staves (Johnson, Tyson & Winter Nr. 2). 3 pp. on 2 leaves (separate, second leaf mounted to a cloth stub with another, blank sheet of contemporary paper). A total of 217 measures (omitting preludes) with deletions and corrections throughout. Stored in custom-made red morocco portfolio with cloth interior flaps and brass applications on both covers (342 x 248 mm). First draft for the lied "Neue Liebe, neues Leben", a setting of a 1775 poem by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, begun in late 1798. The present sketch, jotted down without interruptions in a very cursory, almost rushed hand already contains the melody and the words with no expression markings, but includes occasional bass sections as well as parts of the piano accompaniment at the end of verses; it shows several important departures from the version printed in 1810. At the head of the page, written in a different ink and pen and comprising the first four staves, are the first eight bars of the finale of Beethoven's String Quartet No. 1 in F major (Op. 18, No. 1, composed between 1798 and 1800, published in 1801), providing the violin voice with the theme chorus of triplets. - The lied in its present version (WoO 127) was published in early 1808, nearly a decade after this first sketch, by Simrock in Bonn as the first part of the "III deutsche Lieder", apparently without the composer's consent. Beethoven subsequently revised his work (the manuscript of that revision, dated "1809", is today kept at the Beethoven Haus in Bonn) and published it the following year with Breitkopf & Härtel in Leipzig as part of his "Sechs Gesänge" (Op. 75, No. 2). "Il s'agit du monologue d'un amant que la rencontre d'un nouvel amour a bouleversé au point de ne plus savoir où il en est : sa tentation est alors de fuir ce qui le rend étranger à lui-même" (E. Brisson). In 1811 Beethoven presented a manuscript copy of that second version, the first leaf of which is also kept in Bonn (while most of the remainder is at the Pierpont Morgan Library in New York), to Bettina Brentano on the occasion of her wedding to Achim von Arnim. Nohl has pointed out that the present first draft with its "dramatic, aria-styled phrasings" retains a somewhat "grandiose and dark quality" as compared to the reduced later version, and "if one were to interpret the urgent stride so vividly apparent in this sketch, dashed off, as it seems, without a single interruption and in a mood of deep emotional excitation, then one feels instinctively that forces of an even greater passion than such as Bettina could have aroused in Beethoven must have been at work here" (cf. p. 695). - Occasional quite insignificant brownstaining; altogether very crisp. Both leaves annotated with Beethoven's name in a near-contemporary hand. At the head of the first page is the "mysterious caption" (cf. Nohl), also by a different, early hand: "Der Schluß von seinem letzten Septuor als Motto für den Text" (apparently referring to Beethoven's Septet, Op. 20, also written in 1799; a tentative explanation is advanced by van der Zanden, p. 168). - Beethoven manuscripts written before 1800 almost never come to market; no other complete autograph manuscript of this version is known. The two leaves formerly were a single bifolium owned by baroness Anna von Gleichenstein, the sister of Beethoven's friend Therese Malfatti (remembered as a possible dedicatee of "Für Elise"), which was soon separated. Even in 1865, when Nohl edited the first leaf, its counterpart was no longer in the possession of the Gleichenstein family. The first sheet later surfaced in the archives of the music publisher Schott in Mainz and was sold at Sotheby's in 2002 (6 December, lot 14: £65,725). The second leaf was offered in 1968 by Hans Schneider of Tutzing in his catalogue 136 (lot 37, DM 17,800; then again in cat. 142, lot 266, with illustration on p. 45) and was acquired in 1969 by a private collector who had it auctioned by Venator & Hanstein in Cologne in 2011 (cat. 118, lot 861: EUR 108,000). Now that both leaves have been reunited, Hans Schneider's words, written half a century ago about only the final 62 measures, are no less true: "Through Beethoven's synthesis of his own music with a text by Goethe we are presented with a musical autograph as desirable as it is beautiful" (cat. 136, p. 37). WoO 127. Beethoven, Werke (Neue Ausgabe), Abt. 12.1, Lieder und Gesänge mit Klavierbegleitung. Kritischer Bericht (Munich, 1990), no. 18, pp. 20f., and cf. no. 41, pp. 47-49. Ludwig Nohl, "Eine Beethoven'sche Skizze", Recensionen und Mittheilungen über Theater und Musik 44 (4 Nov. 1865), pp. 695-697 (an edition of the first leaf only). Max Unger, "Neue Liebe, neues Leben. Die Urschrift und die Geschichte eines Goethe-Beethoven-Liedes", Zeitschrift für Musik 103.9 (Sept. 1936), pp. 1049-1075, here at pp. 1060-1062. Jos van der Zanden, "The Shakespeare Connection: Beethoven's String Quartet Op. 18 No. 1 and the Vienna Haustheater", Eighteenth-Century Music 18.1 (March 2021), pp. 151-170, here at p. 168 note 106.
2 pages in ink and pencil on 16-stave paper (322:234 mm), with two folds. Formerly sewn on the left margin, leaving three punched holes. Accompanied by two autograph letters signed from Friedrich Wilhelm Künzel in Leipzig to Fred M. Steele of Chicago, dated July 16th, 1886, discussing the acquisition and certifying the authenticity of the present leaf. Stored in custom-made green morocco portfolio. A densely-used two-sided autograph sketchleaf containing music to opus 117, "König Stephan" or "Ungarns erster Wohltäter" ("Hungary's first Benefactor"), the front showing, among other motifs, the opening cello/bassoon line for the beginning of the first movement chorus, "Ruhend von seinen Thaten" (Andante maestoso e con moto, C major), and the verso with material from the end of the movement, all over with various freely written passages in ink and pencil, mostly on single staves, some with text underneath, containing many holograph corrections and instances where ink is written over pencil. - The present sketchleaf, apparently hitherto unknown to scholarship, belongs to a book of sketches that Beethoven used while writing his stage music "König Stephan" in 1811. Beethoven created his own book from various paper on hand and used it while at the spa in Teplitz from late 1810 into mid 1811. He finished "König Stephan" between 20 August and mid-September 1811. The sketches are of the first chorus (after the overture). The musical play was commissioned for the opening of the new theatre in Pest along with "The Ruins of Athens". First performed on 9 February 1812, it was published as op. 117. King Stephen I founded Hungary in 1000. Emperor Francis I of Austria commissioned the new theatre, and Beethoven was chosen as the composer to honour the occasion of the opening. The Austrian Emperor was honouring Hungary's loyalty, thus the subject matter on a text by August von Kotzebue. - The Beethoven-Haus in Bonn holds four other sketches from this sketchbook (viewable in their digital online archive, as entries HCB Bsk 2/50, 3/51, 4/52, and Mh 81), all of which share the same three holes punched on the left-side margin of the present sketch. We would like to thank Dr. Carmelo Comberiati, professor of Music History at Manhattanville College, for his assistance in cataloguing this lot. - Provenance: Friedrich Wilhelm Künzel, Leipzig, before 1886; Collection of Fred M. Steele, Chicago, purchased from the above, 1886. Offered in the "Collection of Important Autographs in the estate of Mrs. Ella P. Steele, widow of Mr. Fred M. Steele" (Philadelphia, 1918). Acquired from the purchaser's descendants, last located in Greenwich, CT. For an in-depth discussion of the pages to which this sketch belongs, cf. Douglas Johnson, Alan Tyson and Robert Winter, "The Beethoven Sketchbooks", p. 201-206.
Folio (200 x 307 mm). 2 pp. German manuscript (brown ink) on paper (watermark: letter F in circle). An extensive, uncommonly well-preserved letter to Georg Buchholzer (1503-66), Provost of St Nikolai in Berlin, regarding the latter’s altercation with the Brandenburgian court preacher Johann Agricola from Eisleben (1492-1566, also known as “Magister Eisleben”) about the treatment of the local Jews. Prince Elector Joachim II, who in 1539 had introduced the Reformation to Brandenburg and whose tolerant politics toward Jews enraged the population, had long desired a reconciliation between Luther and his former disciple Agricola, and he must have suspected that Provost Buchholzer was poisoning Luther’s mind against his court preacher. Buchholzer therefore wrote to Luther requesting an interpretation of some Biblical verses by which Agricola justified his pro-Jewish stance, and in his answer Luther insists that Buchholzer has done well to preach against the Jews and shall continue to do so, ignoring the habitual liar Agricola: “Grace and Peace. My dear Provost! I must be brief with writing, for the sake of my weak head. You are aware that you have no previous association with me, nor I with you, other than that you recently wrote to me asking for an explanation regarding several statements. And even if you were to write me many things about M. Eisleben, how could I believe you alone? For whoever says that you or anyone in Berlin or in all of Brandenburg is inciting me against Eisleben, if he says so unwittingly, may God forgive him, but if he says it knowingly, then he is a roguish liar, as well as M. Eisleben himself has lied frequently, here in Wittenberg. M. Eisleben needs nobody to incite me against him; he himself is much better at that, much better than anyone whom he might suspect of such dealing. He knows that full well. [...] In my opinion, he will give up his life before he gives up his lying. – You have preached against the Jews and fought serious battles over that with the Margrave. [...] And you were quite right to do so. Stand fast and persevere! The words against you which you quoted to me, allegedly protecting the Jews, I will not hope to be true, nor shall I believe that M. Eisleben ever will preach or ever has preached such. I do not yet consider him so deeply fallen. May God prevent him! [...] For then M. Eisleben would not be the Elector’s preacher, but a true devil, letting his sayings be so shamefully misused to the damnation of all those who associate with Jews. For these Jews are not Jews, but devils incarnate who curse our Lord, who abuse His mother as a whore and Him as Hebel Vorik and a bastard, this is known for certain. And anyone who is capable of eating or drinking or associating with such a foul mouth is a Christian as well as the devil is a saint. [...] You may show this letter to whomever you wish. I do not know, nor do I care, who wrote the other three letters from Wittenberg to Berlin. You will undoubtedly confess this to be the first letter you ever received from me. For your name and person were previously unknown to me [...]” (translated). - Luther had apparently forgotten that several years previously, in late 1539, he had answered a letter of Buchholzer’s inquiring about Catholic rites still in use in Reformed Brandenburg. More notably, although Luther is writing to a fellow scholar, this letter is written in German so as that the recipient may show it “to whomever he wishes” – that is to say, to the Elector himself, thus providing Buchholzer with a writ of protection against any suspicion which Joachim may harbour against him. - The Hebrew words “Hebel Vorik” (vanity and emptiness) are taken from Isaiah 30:7. They were part of a Jewish prayer in which Jews thanked God for having made them different from those peoples who worshipped “Hebel Vorik”, though Luther construed the words as a code for Jesus Christ. - Luther’s anti-Judaism had not always been this rabid – as a young man he had spoken out judiciously against the traditional defamation of Jews and against all forms of forcible conversion – but he soon grew increasingly bitter, and by 1543 his attitude was one of undisguised loathing. His most notorious antisemitic pamphlet, “On the Jews and Their Lies”, was published only months before the present letter was written. With the same rhetorical skill with which he had previously ridiculed the papacy he now invoked a grotesque abhorrence of Judaism. As an embodiment of his sentiments in his later years, demonstrating how precisely the antisemitic church politics and discourse of the 1540s matched Luther’s instructions, the letter has been quoted or paraphrased by several important biographies of the Reformer (cf. M. Brecht, Luther, vol. 3 [1987], p. 344; most recently: L. Roper, Luther [2016], p. 532 n. 33). - Less than two years later, in a letter dated March 9, 1545, Luther would write to Elector Joachim II directly, warning him against the “tricks” of the Jews, in whom he is said to have too much confidence, adding that he is “glad that the Provost [Buchholzer] is so severe on those Jews, which is a proof of his loyalty to your Grace; and I encourage him to continue in the path he has chosen”. - Condition report: several corrections in the text by Luther’s own hand. Date of receipt noted by Buchholzer at the foot of the verso page: “Received by me in Berlin on Wednesday after St Egyd [5 September] anno etc. 43.” Slightly browned and brownstained throughout; traces of contemporary folds. Not noticeably wrinkled; no significant edge tears; a beautifully preserved specimen. - Provenance: before 1914 nothing more of the letter was known than the words branding Agricola an incorrigible liar (“will give up his life before he gives up his lying”), which Buchholzer had hurled at his adversary during a disputation as late as 1562, offering to show him the passage in Luther’s letter. In the early 19th century, the editors of Agricola’s writings confessed that such a letter could not be found (cf. B. Kordes, Agricola’s Schriften möglichst vollständig verzeichnet [Altona 1817], p. 393: “To my knowledge, this letter does not exist”). Only in 1914 was it discovered in the collection of Baron Heinrich von Hymmen (1880–1960), and in the same year the theologian G. Kawerau published it in the appendix to volume 15 of Luther’s letters. It was still in the Hymmen collection in 1947 when the critical Weimar edition published it, based on a photograph. The Hymmen family is known to have supported the Protestant cause: during the Nazi era, Heinrich placed his Unterbach castle at the disposal of the illegal Confessing Church; the theologian Johannes Hymmen was Vice President of the “Evangelischer Oberkirchenrat” from 1936. The letter first surfaced in the trade more than three decades ago (Stargardt 630 [1983], lot 1238: DM 172,270 including premium and taxes; remarkably, that same year a four-page Luther manuscript [Z&K 2/II, 1856] commanded no more than DM 10,000). The letter has since rested in the private collection from which we recently acquired it. Luther, Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, Briefwechsel vol. 10 (Weimar 1947), no. 3909 (pp. 388-391). First published in: Enders-Kawerau XV, no. 3309a (pp. 359-362). In modernized spelling: Kawerau, "Ein Brief Luthers an den Propst von Berlin, Georg Buchholzer", in: Schriften des Vereins für die Geschichte Berlins 50 (1917), pp. 430-436.
8vo. 1 p. on bifolium. Measures 202:131 mm. In this, one of Marx's few known letters dating from his stay in Paris between June and August 1849, he bids his farewells to the French journalist and politician Ferdinand Flocon (1800-66) on the day of his departure for London: "Mon cher Flocon, J'ai du quitter la France, par ordre de la république honnête, sans pouvoir vous faire mes adieux. M. Wolff, qui vous présentera cette lettre, répresente en mon absence notre journal et notre parti. Je vais résider à Londres. Si vous avez quelque chose à m'écrire, veuillez la remettre à M. Julian Harvey, rédacteur du Northern Star. Salut et fraternité [...]." Flocon was the editor of the democratic newspaper "La Réforme"; Engels hat met him in October 1847 and contributed several articles. While Marx and Engels had little regard for Flocon's petty-bourgeois politics and at first viewed him chiefly as a tool for their propagandistic purposes, they soon recognized Flocon as a man of character, Engels writing on 28 March 1848: "I've been to visit old Flocon a few times: the fellow still lives in his wretched fifth-floor flat, smokes the most common tobacco in an old clay pipe and has only bought himself a new dressing gown. Otherwise quite as republican in his habits as he was as editor of the 'Réforme', and just as genial, cordial, and outspoken as ever. He's one of the most upright fellows I know." A Montagnard and member of the provisional government of the Republic in 1848 (he would be expelled from France after the 1851 coup d'état), it was Flocon who invited Marx to France with an enthusiastic letter at the very moment when he was evicted from Brussels: "Brave et loyal Marx! Le sol de la République Française est un champs d'azyle pour tous les amis de la liberté. La tyrannie vous a banni: la France libre vous rouvre ses portes à vous [...]" (Paris, 1 March 1848). When the revolutionary fervour seized the rest of Europe, Marx again set off for Germany in April, but in May 1849 the Prussian authorities turned him out. He returned to Paris in June, only to receive a notice of banishment to Brittany on 19 July. Marx fought the order, but lost his appeal on 23 August. On the same day, he wrote to Engels: "I have been banished to the Departement of Morbihan, the Pontine Marshes of Brittany. You will understand that I will have no part in this disguised attempt at murder. Hence, I am leaving France. I cannot have a passport to Switzerland, so I must to London, tomorrow [...]". A day later, he wrote the present farewell to his "cher Flocon", never again to settle on the continent. - On wove paper with floral design embossed to upper left corner, there marked "8" in faint blue crayron, likely by the recipient. Some browning and light wrinkling; traces of original folds. Some duststains and traces of mounting on blank leaf, but well preserved. Not published in MEGA III.3 (Letters January 1849 - December 1850).
12mo. 1 page. To an unnamed addressee: "Dans votre lettre que je viens de recevoir aujourd'hui aussi bien que dans la lettre précédente vous parlez seulement de la sixième série, mais veuillez bien remarquer que je n'ai pas encore reçu la cinquième! J'ai écrit pour avoir des notes biographiques de Bebel et Liebknecht. Les chances du roy sont plus que douteuses; mais même s'il revenait, la France ne serait pas perdue. C'est du reste la politique de M. Thiers qui a amené cette catastrophe et, si la France y échappe, c'est grâce à la Hectique absurde des hommes de l'ordre moral et aux hésitations et scrupules de l'enfant du miracle, autrement dit 'l'enfant de l'Europe' [...]" ("In your letter I just received today, as well as in the previous one, you only speak of the sixth series, but please note that I have not yet received the fifth! I wrote to obtain biographical notes on Bebel and Liebknecht. The King's chances are more than dubious; but even if he returns, France will not be lost. By the way, it is M. Thiers' politics that caused this catastrophe, and if France escapes from it, it will be thanks to the absurd hecticness of the men of the moral order and to the hesitations and scruples of the child prodigy, also known as 'the child of Europe' [...]". - Marx alludes to Henri d'Artois, the Legitimist pretender to the throne of France between 1844 and 1883. After the collapse of the Second Empire under Napoleon III, his claim to the throne was supported by both Legitimists and Orléanists. However, Henri's insistence on the abandonment of the tricolour flag led to his losing the throne and to the establishment of the Third Republic. - With old inventory note. Small waterstain to upper left-hand corner, not touching text; two tiny marks from a paper clip, affecting a single letter. Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
8vo. 1¼ pp. on bifolium. To the publisher Maurice Lachâtre concerning the French translator of "Das Kapital" Joseph Roy, the publication of the second German edition of "Das Kapital", and the Russian translation of the first edition, a possible reissue of Marx's early text "The Poverty of Philosophy", and the poor health of his grandson Étienne Lafargue: "Vous vous trompez! Monsieur Roy est français. Il a été (mais quand il était déjà un homme fait) pendant quelques années en Allemagne. Il traduit trop litéralement dans les passages faciles, mais il montre sa force dans les choses difficiles. Néanmoins, vos corrections me serviront toujours comme des matériaux utiles pour la correction définitive. La première livraison de la dernière édition allemande (le libraire allemand vous a imité en acceptant pour la dernière édition la forme de livraison) paraîtra probablement pendant la semaine suivante. J'ai reçu de St. Petersburgh la traduction russe (d'après la première édition). Elle est excellente. Le livre a dû passer par la censure, mais la censure n’a rien rayé excepté mon portrait. Néanmoins, comme il y a dans le livre des attaques contre la Russie, l’éditeur russe n’est pas encore en dehors de tout danger. Pour la dernière correction j'ai ici l’assistance de Longuet, Vaillant, Lissagaray et autres communards compétents. Vos nouvelles politiques m’intéressent beaucoup et vous m'obligerez beaucoup en les continuant. À propos. Un libraire français (de Paris) - tout en me demandant de ne pas le nommer - m’a offert de republier mon livre (français) contre Proudhon: Misère de la Philosophie. Réponse à la Philosophie de la Misère de M. Proudhon. Bruxelles et Paris 1847. L’édition est complètement épuisée. J’ai des mauvaises nouvelles de Madrid sur l’état de santé du petit Lafargue [...]". - ("You are mistaken! Mr Roy is French. He spent (but when he was already a grown man) some years in Germany. He translates simple passages too literally but shows his strengths when it comes to more difficult things. Nevertheless, your corrections will always serve me as useful material for the final correction. The first instalment of the latest German edition (the German publisher is imitating you by accepting the mode of instalments for the latest edition) will probably appear during the next week. I have received from St. Petersburg the Russian translation (off the first edition). It is excellent. The books had to pass censorship but the censors haven't effaced anything except my portrait. Nevertheless, since there are attacks on Russia in the book, the Russian editor is not yet fully out of danger. For the last correction I have here the assistance of Longuet, Vaillant, Lissagaray and other competent members of the Commune. By the way. A French publisher (from Paris) - who asked me not to mention his name - offered me to reissue my book (French) against Proudhon: The Poverty of Philosophy. A reply to 'The Philosophy of Poverty' of M. Proudhon. Brussels and Paris 1847. This edition is completely sold out. I have bad news from Madrid concerning the health condition of the little Lafargue [...]"). - Nine hundred copies of the Russian translation of "Das Kapital" were published in 1872 and, to Marx's surprise, quickly sold out. A French re-edition of "The Poverty of Philosophy" did not come forward during Marx's lifetime. Like his two siblings, Étienne Lafargue, the son of Paul Lafargue and Karl Marx's second daughter Laura, did not reach adulthood but died at the age of four in Madrid in May 1872. - Slightly creased. Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
8vo. 1¼ pp. on bifolium. To the publisher Maurice Lachâtre concerning a manuscript for the French edition of "Das Kapital" that got lost on the way to the printer Louis Justin Lahure: "Vous savez que j'avais envoyé du manuscrit à M. Lahure le 8 Octobre. Le 19 Oct. je reçus une lettre de M. Lahure m'annoncant que le manuscrit n’était point arrivé à son adresse. Alors a commencé une correspondance entre moi et l’administration supérieure de la poste anglaise. Dans sa lettre d’avant-hier le secrétaire général de la poste me communique - 1) que le manuscrit a été dûment expédié en France et qu’on fait maintenant des recherches à Paris ; - 2) que la recommandation de papiers, journaux etc. lesquels ne sont pas inclus dans une lettre mais, comme c’était le cas avec le manuscrit, dans une enveloppe ouverte, ne compte pas en France, mais seulement pour l’Angleterre. - Je ferai remarquer en passant qu’à l’exception du dernier envoi, j’avais toujours envoyé le manuscrit à vous et à M. Roy (et il a reçu le manuscrit de presque tout le volume) sous forme de lettre recommandée (j’ai payé plus de deux livres st. pour cela pour Bordeaux seul), mais trouvant que votre librairie, sans tenir compte de cela, n’a pas même affranchi les 100 exemplaires du premier fascicule, je commençais aussi de lésiner et d’envoyer le manuscrit sous une forme qui coûtait moins cher. Le résultat a prouvé que dans les circonstances actuelles de votre pays il est absolument nécessaire d’envoyer le manuscrit par lettre recommandée. Maintenant je vous envoie la première partie du manuscrit perdu que j’ai retraduit. Même dans le cas que la poste française vous remettait le manuscrit original, il faudra faire imprimer le nouveau manuscrit qui vaut mieux que le premier. N’oubliez pas de me renvoyer le manuscrit avec les épreuves. Au commencement de la semaine prochaine je vous enverrai du manuscrit pour plus d’une livraison […]" ("You know that I sent the manuscript to M. Lahure on October 8. On October 19, I received a letter from M. Lahure announcing that the manuscript had not arrived at his address. Thus began a correspondence between the higher administration of the English mail and me. In a letter from the day before yesterday the secretary general of the postal service tells me - 1) That the manuscript was duly sent to France and that they are now inquiring in Paris; - 2) that the registration of papers, journals etc. that are not included in a letter but, as it was the case with the manuscript, in an open envelope is not permitted in France but only in England. I may remark, by the way, that with the exception of the last shipment, I have always sent the manuscript to you and to M. Roy (and he received the manuscript to almost the entire volume) by way of a registered letter (I paid more than two pounds sterling for that to Bordeaux alone), but finding out that your publishing house, without taking it into account, has not even franked the first 100 copies of the first instalment, I also started to be stingy and to send the manuscript in a cheaper way. The result of which has proven that in the current situation of your country it is absolutely necessary to send the manuscript as a registered letter. Now I send you the first part of the lost manuscript that I have retranslated. Even if the French mail delivers the original to you, it will be necessary to print the new manuscript since it is better than the first one. Do not forget to return the manuscript to me together with the proofs. Beginning of next week I will send you manuscripts for more than one instalment [...]"). - With an inventory note at the top of the page and two minuscule holes from stapling to the bottom. Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
92 items, ca. 260 pages in all, mainly 8vo, autograph address panels to the postcards, some on Mann's printed stationery, with a few unpublished greeting cards, mainly 1894-1901, together with letters to Erna Grautoff and Karl Federn, mainly Munich and Rome and a few items from Naples, Unterach, Riva del Garda, Dresden, Bad Tölz, Oberammergau and Paris, September 1894-7 July 1925, about twelve letters incomplete (mostly undated letters from ca. 1895-1896), the first two letters with sections cut away, occasional dust-marking and splitting at folds, each letter carefully annotated in pencil by the Austrian National Library (July 1938) and some also with editorial dating (ca. 1975). Important series of ca. 90 early autograph letters and postcards, to Otto Grautoff, about Buddenbrooks, including eleven unpublished items, with poems and transcriptions about his writing, reporting his commission from the publishers Fischer to write a long prose work, specifying the mid-nineteenth-century milieu to be treated in Buddenbrooks, its length and plans to finish it, and finally giving Grautoff a long analysis of its Germanic and Wagnerian nature, discussing Goethe (with quotations of "Alles Vergängliche", from Faust), Shakespeare (Hamlet; Romeo and Juliet), Wagner (Tristan und Isolde), Turgenev, Nietzsche, his brother Hermann, Balzac, Dehmel, Fontane and many other writers, the publisher Fischer, the journals "Simplicissimus" and "Neue Deutsche Rundschau", and reporting his travels in Italy, mainly Rome during the years 1895 to 1897; the collection also includes two autograph poems by Mann, 'Weihnacht' ("O festlich Sternenzelt!"), and, in a letter of 1898, the apparently newly-composed poem 'Nur Eins' ("Wir, denen Gott den trüben Sinn gegeben"), together with a transcription from the love duet in Tristan und Isolde ("Bricht mein Blick sich..."), and from Romeo and Juliet ("Komm, Nacht...Verhülle mit dem schwarzen Mantel mir"), poems by August von Platen and others. T. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff 1894-1901 und Ida Boy-Ed 1903-1928, ed. by Peter de Mendelssohn (1975).
8vo. ¾ p. In French. To his publisher Maurice Lachâtre, who in late 1873 had moved from San Sebastian, Spain, to his new exile in Belgium, as he was still wanted by the French police for his role in the Paris Commune. Marx writes that he took the waters at Karlsbad for five weeks and "will be leaving Germany in a few days to return to London. I believe that my health is restored and that I will now be in a condition to complete the French edition once and for all. If I pass through Belgium - I have not yet decided on my travel route - I will be happy to go and see you". With one textual correction by Marx. In a postscript, he adds that he just read in the newspaper "La Patrie" a review of "Le Capital" by a certain Gaussen: "This gentleman never had the book in his hand. He dares to quote, in quotation marks, entire passages which are his own creation and which he has the impudence to attribute to me". - Suffering from insomnia and headaches due to severe overwork, mainly from labouring on "Capital", Marx spent a month from 19 August to 21 September at Karlsbad. Staying at the Hotel Germania, he frequently met the Social Democrat Louis Kugelmann and his family, but the relationship cooled after a falling-out earlier in September. - Traces of old horizontal fold. A few wrinkles and creases, especially in the margins; some old paper flaws in the lower half of the leaf, mostly confined to the lower margin and lower right edge, but no loss to text. Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
12mo. 1 page. To an unnamed addressee: "Ci-inclus la biographie que vous avez demandée. Longuet l'a faite, mais il ne font pas le nommer. J'ai ajouté un de mes photographes dont la reproduction dans le 'Capital' est tres mauvaise. L'état de ma santé ne me permet pas encore de travailler que quelques heures de la journée. De là manque de manuscrit pour M. Lahure. Néanmoins, il reçoit aujourd'hui des épreuves qui comprennent déjà une partie de la trente deuxième feuille. Après les avoir renvoyés, il n'y aura donc aucune raison pour ne pas publier fasc. V et VI. J'espère lui pouvoir fournir jusqu'à la fin de la semaine de nouveau manuscrit [...]" ("Enclosed is the biography you asked for. It was written by Longuet [i.e., the journalist Charles Longuet] but he does not need to be mentioned. I have added one of my photos, the reproduction of which in 'Capital' is very poor. My state of health does not allow me to work more than a few hours a day. Hence the lack of a manuscript for M. Lahure. Still, he receives proofs that already include part of leaf 32 today. After having sent them, there will be no reason not to publish fasc. V and VI. I hope to present him with the new manuscript by the end of the week [...]"). - With old note of inventory. Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
Oblong folio. Engraved piano score with the text. Untrimmed. First printing of the first edition of Beethoven's only opera; of the utmost rarity. Inscribed on the title page, in Beethoven's own hand, to his benefactor Pasqualati (1777-1830), in whose house the composer then lodged: "Seinem werthen Freunde Baron von Pasqualati vom Verfasser" ("To his dear friend Baron Pasqualati, from the author"). - No more than three copies of this first edition bearing Beethoven's autograph inscription are known; the present one is described by Kinsky/Halm as follows: "This copy from the collection of the Society of Friends of the Music in Vienna (cf. no. 893 in the guide-book to the Centenary Exhibition, Vienna 1927) was presented to the conductor Arturo Toscanini by the Austrian Government on 1 November 1934 on the occasion of a performance of Verdi's 'Requiem', directed by him, as a gift of honour (cf. 'Philobiblon' VIII, 6)". - Professionally cleaned with repairs to gutter. Collection stamp of the Society of Friends of the Music in Vienna on title page and verso of final leaf. Beethoven's autograph inscription pencilled across the blank margin of the title page. - The present dedication copy was not publicly shown since the great 1927 exhibition in honour of the centennial of Beethoven's death; it was latterly considered lost (as are the other two dedication copies of "Fidelio" described in the catalogue of Beethoven's works). We acquired it directly from Toscanini's estate in spring 2016. Literature (all referencing this copy): Beethoven und die Wiener Kultur seiner Zeit (= Führer durch die Beethoven-Zentenarausstellung der Stadt), Wien 1927, 893. Philobiblon VIII (1935), 6. Kinsky/Halm, Werkverzeichnis Beethoven, 184.
8vo. 3 pp. on a bifolium. Includes envelope, addressed by Nadezhda Krupskaya. - Further includes a printed pamphlet: "Der Anonymus aus dem Vorwärts und die Sachlage in der Sozialdemokratischen Arbeiterpartei Russlands". 8vo. 12 pp. Rare, important letter in German, signed with the pseudonym "N. Lenin", addressed to Anton Nemec in Prague, the leader of the Czech Social Democrats, about organising the 6th All-Russian Conference of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP). Held in Prague in 1912, the conference would see the de-facto formation of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union when the Mensheviks were driven out of the RSDLP: - "Dear Comrade, you will be doing me a great service if you can help me with advice and action in the following matter. A number of organisations of our Party intend to call a conference (abroad - of course). The number of members of the conference will be about 20-25. Is there a possibility of organising this conference in Prague (to last about a week)? The most important thing for us is the possibility of organising it in extreme secrecy. No person, no organisation, should know about it. (It is a Social-Democratic conference, hence legal according to European laws, but the majority of the delegates do not have passports and cannot use their own names.) I earnestly beg you, dear comrade, if it is at all possible, to help us and tell me as quickly as possible the address of a comrade in Prague who (in the event of an affirmative reply) could make all the practical arrangements. It would be best if this comrade understood Russian - if this is impossible we can also reach agreement with him in German. I hope, dear comrade, that you will pardon me for troubling you with this request. I send you my thanks in anticipation [...]". - Traces of original horizontal and vertical folds. Includes the original envelope, addressed by Lenin's wife Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaya (1869-1939) and postmarked Paris, 29 April. Published in: Lenin, Werke, vol. 34, p. 445, no. 200 (with departures).
Narrow 8vo. 1 p. Steel-engraved state insignia printed in red to head of sheet. Menu card for the state banquet in honour of the Pakistani statesman Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy (1892-1963), who only a month earlier had become Prime Minister. The card is signed by Mao and Suhrawardy, as well as by five Chinese statesmen: Zhou Enlai (1898-1976, the official host and Premier of the PRC), Huang Yanpei (1878-1965, Vice Premier of the State Council and Minister of Industry since 1954), Peng Zhen (1902-97, Mayor of Beijing, deposed in 1966 but rehabilitated in 1979 and later Chairman of the National People's Congress), Chen Yun (1905-95, leading economic politician, Party Vice Chairman and later one of the major architects and important policy makers for the Chinese economic reform), and Zhu De (1886-1976, Vice Chairman of the Communist Party and of the PRC, long the Commander-in-Chief of the People's Liberation Army and Mao's military advisor since the 1930s). - During this first visit to China by a Pakistani Prime Minister, the delegations discussed matters such as the exchange of goods (coal for cotton) and industrial development, improvements in water management and the training of engineers. In his conversation with Suhrawardy, Zhou sought to dispel fears of Chinese hegemony: China herself, he pointed out, had suffered under Western colonialism and now wished to pursue industrial development in the spirit of peaceful co-existence with all countries, based on mutual respect. Zhou insisted to a skeptical Suhrawardy that the education of the current generation of Chinese political leaders would ensure that future generations would not commit war or aggression. - A little sunned showing very light traces of matting along the edges, otherwise flawless. Signatures by the "Great Chairman" Mao are extremely rare; an ensemble of signatures by several important figures of the first generation of leaders of the People's Republic is almost unprecedented in the trade.
8vo. 1 page. Probably to Paulin Franques (a Paris collaborator of Lachâtre): "Je n’ai plus de copie. Le 16 février j’écrivis à M. Vernouillet qu’elle me faisait défaut depuis des semaines. Alors il devait écrire directement à M. Roy et après un nouveau laps de temps je reçus enfin de la copie mais pas assez. De cette manière des interruptions continuelles sont occasionnées, d’autant plus qu’il me paraît que vous ne tirez pas avant d’avoir cliché, qu’il vous faut avoir, par exemple, les livraisons 18-24 pour pouvoir publier les livraisons 15-20. M. Roy s’est obligé par son contrat avec M. Lachâtre de m’envoyer tous les dix jours soixante pages. Comme la révision de la copie me donne déjà trop de travail, j’ai sûrement le droit de demander que les clauses du traité soient rigoureusement et régulièrement exécutées. Ayez la bonté de faire M. Vernouillet écrit à M. Roy pour qu’il envoie de la copie et de communiquer cette lettre à M. Lachâtre [...]" ("I have no more copy. On February 16th, I wrote to M. Vernouillet that I have had none for weeks. So he had to write to M. Roy, and after another period of time I finally received more copy, but not enough. This way of doing things occasions constant interruptions, the more as it seems to me that you do not print before having printing plates, as you need to have, for instance, instalments 18 to 24 to be able to print instalments 15 to 20. M. Roy is obliged by the contract with M. Lachâtre to send me 60 pages every ten days. The copy's revision already burdens me with a lot of work, so that I could at least ask for strict and regular adherence of the clauses of the contract. Would you please have the kindness to have M. Vernouillet write to M. Roy to send more copy and to communicate this letter to M. Lachâtre [...]". - Lower margin with slight creases. Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
8vo. ½ page. In French. To "cher citoyen", i. e., Juste Vernouillet in Paris, director of the publishing house Lachatre & Co. in the absence of Maurice Lachatre, who was still exiled in San Sebastian, Spain, for his role in the Paris Commune. - In connection with the ongoing translation of "Das Kapital" into French, Marx writes that it has been nearly two weeks since he announced to the printer, M. Lahure, that he would send him more copy. "Unfortunately, I fell ill and needed to stay in bed until yesterday. I was thus prevented from correcting the manuscript, and I could only resume work after a few days. This is an unpleasant incident". Marx further inquires after the latest postal address of Joseph Roy (1830-1916), his Bordeaux-based translator. - Severely overworked with revising Roy's translation for Lachatre's ongoing publication of "Le Capital" and completing the revised second German edition for his publisher Otto Meissner in Hamburg, the final corrected proofs of which he had sent Meißner at the beginning of the month, Marx had fallen ill in April and would suffer from intermittent bouts of headaches and insomnia until August. - Traces of old folds. Recipient's note to upper margin, some offsetting from similar notes to verso. Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
8vo. 1 p. on single leaf. To the publisher Maurice Lachâtre concerning the dedication "To citizen Karl Marx" heading the first French edition of "Das Kapital" published between 1872 and 1875: "Dans le dernier paragraphe rectifié il y a ces mots 'ne se laisseront pas arrêter dans leur lecture par l’exposition de vos méthodes analytiques'. Il y a ici un malentendu. Je n’expose pas ma méthode mais je l’applique dès le commencement, mais son application, dans les premiers chapitres, à l’analyse de la 'marchandise', 'la valeur', 'l’argent' est par la nature de la chose elle-même un peu difficile à suivre. Mais c’est facile de changer 'ne se laisseront pas arrêter dans leur lecture par l’application de votre méthode analytique aux premières notions de l’économie politique qui par leur nature même sont très abstraites' - ou quelque chose comme ça - nous aurions avec cela fini avec les préliminaires. Ma photographie sera faite demain [...]" ("The last revised paragraph reads 'they will not let themselves be stopped from reading by the explication of your analytical methods'. This is a misunderstanding. I do not explain my method but I apply it from the beginning, but its application in the first chapters, analysing the 'commodity', 'value', 'money' is in the nature of things themselves somewhat difficult to follow. But it is easy to change to 'they will not let themselves be stopped from reading by the application of your analytical methods in the first notions of the political economy, which are by their nature very abstract' - or something similar - then we will be finished with the preliminaries. My photograph will be taken tomorrow [...]"). For the final version of the paragraph in question, Lachâtre rephrased Marx's suggestion more elegantly. - With a facsimile of Marx' letter "To citizen Maurice La Châtre", dated London, 18 March 1872, that was included among the preliminaries to the French edition of "Das Kapital" immediately before the editor's letter to Marx. - Slightly creased and buckled in the lower left corner. Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
8vo. 1 page. To an unnamed addressee, probably Maurice Lachâtre: "J'ai écrit à M. Vernouillet pour l'autorizer à payer 300 f. à M. Roy. M. Roy, qui s'est marié et est devenu père, se trouve dans une position très difficile. Pour le mettre à même de donner moins de leçons et consacrer plus de temps à la traduction, M. Roy et moi nous sommes convenus de ceci: d'un côté: je recevrai tous les 10 jours 50 pages; (une quarantaine de pages doit y arriver domain); sa traduction sera ainsi terminé vers la fin de Mai. de l'autre côté: il recevra 200 f. à la fin d'Avril et le reste à la fin de Mai. D'après une lettre de M. Roy il n'a pas encore reçu un seul fascicle imprime! Je trouve cela très étrange! Comment voulez vous qu'il ait activé son travail en ne voyant rien apparaître? Encore, ce n'était que par l'étude des fascicles imprimés qu'il avait été amené à changer sa méthode de traduction. Je suppose que vous n'êtes pour rien dans ce procédé pas convenable [...]" ("I have written to M. Vernouillet authorizing him to pay M. Roy 300 f. M. Roy, who has got married and has become a father, is in a difficult situation. In order to enable him to give fewer lectures and spend more time on the translation, M. Roy and I have agreed on this: on the one hand, I will receive 50 pages every 10 days (some forty pages must arrive tomorrow); this way his translation will be finished by the end of May. On the other hand, he will receive 200 f. by the end of April and the remainder by the end of May. According to a letter from M. Roy he has not yet received a single printed fascicle! I find this very strange! How do you expect him to keep up his work without seeing anything that is released? After all, it was only by studying the printed fascicles that he was made to change his method of translation. I suppose you are not involved at all in this unpleasant process [...]"). Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
8vo. ½ page. To an unnamed addressee, probably Maurice Lachâtre: "Cher citoyen, J’étais très malade pendant les dernières semaines et je suis encore souffrant. Cependant M. Lahure a reçu les dernières épreuves le 8 septembre. Il a tout et plus qu’il ne lui faut pour publier les 5 et 6 livraisons. Pourquoi ne procède-t-il donc pas? Je trouve qu’il agit très impolitiquement, et vous m’obligerez en m’informant sur les raisons de ce retard. À Berlin, dans les cercles les mieux instruits, on considère la fusion comme une chose perdue et le rétablissement de la monarchie en France comme un rêve qui ne s’accomplira pas [...]" ("I have been very ill during the last weeks and am still suffering. Meanwhile M. Lahure has received the last proofs on September 8th. He has everything and more of what he does not need to publish instalments 5 and 6. So why is he not proceeding? I think his actions are highly impolitic, and I am obliged to you for informing me about the reasons for the delay. In Berlin, in the better informed circles, the fusion is considered a lost cause and the restoration of the monarchy in France a dream never to be accomplished [...]"). - Marx alludes to the attempt of a monarchic fusion undertaken by the count of Paris, Head of the House of Orléans, next to the count of Chambord, legitimist suitor. - Written in a small, close hand. With a notarial inventory mark. Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
12mo. 1 page. To an unnamed addressee, probably Juste Vernouillet, director of the publishing house Lachâtre & Co, about the last part of the translation of "Das Kapital": "Cher citoyen, J’ai reçu hier de la part de M. Roy la fin de la traduction. Il faut lui donc payer le reste des 1500 frs que j’ai avancés (à M. Lachâtre) pour sa rémunération. Ma santé est à peu près rétablie et M. Lahure recevra bientôt une bonne partie du manuscrit [...]" ("Dear citizen, yesterday I received from M. Roy the end of the translation. Therefore he has to be paid the rest of the 1500 frs which I have advanced (to M. Lachâtre) for his payment. My health is nearly restored and M. Lahure will soon receive a good part of the manuscript [...]"). - With a notarial inventory mark. Tiny holes; lower margin slightly frayed. Not in: Marx/Engels, Werke vol. 33 (Briefe Juli 1870 - Dezember 1874).
Ink on blue silk, 696 x 530 mm. Stored in custom-made half morocco case. Formal valedictory address to General Prokofy Logvinovich Romanenko (1897-1949): "Together with the Soviet heroic army, with your blood and your lives, you brought freedom to Korea. You made the Japanese invaders flee, made the enemies run and breathed happy, free, and new life into our nation. In the shortest time North Korea has destroyed the remains of the Japanese imperialistic forces. The People's Committee has became the true power of the people. Under its leadership we victoriously undertake all democratic changes. As a result we shall create such conditions that the people will live freely and happily in the Democratic Republic. Therefore, the people of Korea will never forget your work and your effort. Today we bid you farewell with the warmest gratitude. All the people of Korea will unite around the Committee and promise to fight to the end until the Democratic Republic is formed. We ask you to provide help in the future as well. We wish you health for the years to come. 13/8/1947. The chair of the People’s Committee of North Korea, Kim Il-sung" (transl.). - Folded. Includes a roughly contemporary Russian translation (pencil on ruled paper, 3 pp., oblong 8vo). - General Romanenko, one of the key Soviet military leaders of the Second World War, had been assigned to the East Siberian Military Region in 1945. He was one of the official Soviet liaisons with the temporary government of North Korea (the "People's Committee"), organised in 1946. Recently returned from the USSR in February 1946, Kim Il-sung was appointed chairman of the Committee, marking the beginning of his ascent to power. Romanenko was generally supportive of Kim’s efforts, in line with Soviet official policy: in 1946 he allowed 500 ethnically Korean Soviet citizens to enter North Korea, at Kim’s request. Most of them were administrative specialists or engineers. - Provenance: by descent to Koloss Prokofievich Romanenko (b. 1925), the son of Prokofy Romanenko; sold to a Russian private collection; acquired from the collector's heirs. Includes a copy of the previous owner's statement of acquisition.