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SLAVERY VAUX, RobertsBiblio.com

Memoirs of the Life of Anthony Benezet.

[Slavery]. Various authorsBiblio.com

Daily National Intelligencer. Saturday June 25 1859

1859017039Washington DC: Gales and Seaton 1859. Tabloid. Good. Side folding large tabloid newspaper. A single issue of this long running newspaper published in Washington DC first published in 1800 and publishing until 1870 with an eventual bias toward conservative Whig policies. Besides the usual ads and political news this issue contains two "Was Committed" notices last page bottom right one pertaining to Mary Norris George Park and Sally King the other pertaining to Lewis West. All four were African-Americans with Mary Norris George Park and Lewis West being enslaved people from enslaver Robert E. Lee. According to the US National Park Service website devoted to Robert E. Lee's Arlington House Memorial Mary Norris George Parks and another man Wesley Norris believed they were free based on a provision in the will of George Washington Custis. Based on this knowledge the three emancipated themselves traveling to Pennsylvania. They were all captured in Maryland. According to contemporary newspaper accounts New York Tribune in June 1859 Lee had the re-captured African-Americans whipped. Wesley Norris himself wrote an article in the Anti-Slavery Standard in 1866 which provides his account of the whipping. Early historians and biographers dismissed both accounts considering them to be accounts used for anti-slavery propaganda. Lee himself was silent on the subject with many of his contemporaries and historians taking his silence as a denial. However modern research suggests the accounts of Wesley Norris and others were true dispelling the myth of Lee as benevolent enslaver perpetuated by earlier historians. The first notice states that Norris Park and West were committed to jail on May 26th and that "George and Mary say they belong to Col. Robert Lee of Fairfax County Virginia." The complexion and height of all three are given as well as descriptions of the clothing they wore. Sally King asserted that she was free living in Washington with a Mrs. D. Bread. According to the piece they all initially left Washington on May 22nd 1859. The second notice contains the same information as the first although it appears Lewis West was jailed on May 27th but also asserted he "belongs to Col. Robert Lee." Both notices request that the "owner or owners" come forward and pay all charges due. Also present is a notice of "young servants for sale" indicating the availability of several girls from ages 11 to 15 as well as young men from 21 to 25 years old. All were apparently located in Georgetown. The newspaper is in GOOD condition. Paper split chipped and deteriorating along the spine with very slight loss of letters to some of the "was committed" ads. Horizontal and vertical fold creases present. Moderate toning along the spine edge. Small hole worn through at the intersection of the fold creases. Some wrinkling and creasing to the paper. Several small tears along the extremities. Gales and Seaton unknown

Mare Booksellers · États-Unis810,00 $US≈ 685,34 €

Slavery; Puerto RicoBiblio.com

Pre-Abolition Puerto Rico Slave Registration Form Listing a 22 Year Old Enslaved Black Man 1871

1871231181871. Slavery Black Labor Puerto Rico This official Puerto Rican slave registry document issued in Arecibo in 1871 under Spanish colonial administration represents the bureaucratic infrastructure of slavery in the Caribbean at the precise moment preceding abolition. Titled within the printed form as part of the "Registro de Esclavos - Isla de Puerto Rico" the document records the forced legal identity of an identified enslaved man. Single sheet slave registry document "Empadronamiento General de esclavos" from Arecibo Puerto Rico dated 20 de Enero de 1871. Measuring 6.25" x 8.5". This document was registered by a person registering their slave. Document bears official signatures from the local authorities. The enslaved person is listed by their age stature "color" hair color beard eyes nose and mouth. The person is listed as 22 years old and the "color" of this individual is listed as "negro". The physical list of classifications functioned as mechanisms of surveillance control and verification within the colonial slave system. Inclusion of official signatures from both the "dueño" and "comisario" along with a stamped fiscal seal en verso. Produced just two years prior to the 1873 abolition of slavery in Puerto Rico the document reflects the transitional legal environment in which enslaved individuals were increasingly catalogued in anticipation of emancipation policies that would in practice impose systems of forced apprenticeship and indemnification to former enslavers. Some minor wormholes and occasional spotting. Overall good condition. The document stands as evidence of how emancipation in Spanish territories was mediated through administrative control prolonging coercive labor conditions even as slavery was formally dismantled. unknown

Max Rambod Inc. · États-Unis850,00 $US≈ 719,19 €

[Slavery, Anti-Abolitionism] Priest Rev JosiahBiblio.com

BIBLE DEFENCE OF SLAVERY. To Which Is Added a Faithful Exposition of That System of Pseudo Philanthropy of Fanaticism Yclept Modern Abolitionism Which Threatens to Dissolve the Union; and Proposing a Plan of National Colonization Adequate to the Removal of the Entire Free Black Population of the United States and All That May Hereafter Become Free In a Manner Harmonizing with the Well-Being of Both Races

185234901Glasgow Kentucky: W.S. Brown 1852. Early edition being a reprint of the 1851 Louisville edition. Each page printed within a decorative chain-line frame the stereotyped title-page makes reference to engravings but none are called for in this edition. Tall 8vo in the publisher's original brown cloth the covers with decorative embossing retaining the emblem of the Louisville publishers in blind the spine lettered in gilt and with flat bands ruled in blind powder-blue endpapers. xiii 569 8 8 ads pp. A sound copy the text-block well preserved and complete a bit of expected age toning to the paper and light foxing here and there as usual the binding with some age-wear but still very sturdy strong and tight. ONE OF THE MOST NOTORIOUS PRO-SLAVERY BOOKS PUBLISHED IN THE UNITED STATES BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR. The author stylized himself as "the Rev. Josiah Priest" but was not ordained in any denomination. The present Louisville text evolved from an earlier version titled "Slavery As It Relates to the Negro or African Race" published in 1843. It went through numerous editions and title changes during the 1840s and 1850s reflecting the growing sectional controversy over slavery. The popularity of the work exploded in 1852 as it was viewed as a counter-argument to Stowe's pro-abolitionist epic UNCLE TOM'S CABIN. The work's central claim is that slavery is fully sanctioned and approved of by the Bible. Among his arguments are: people of African descent were descendants of Ham and therefore subject to a divine curse; the racial differences were ordained by God; that slavery was beneficial or natural for Black people; and that abolitionism was a dangerous fanaticism threatening the social order and status quo. Although repugnant to many modern readers the book is historically significant because it demonstrates how slavery's defenders tried to answer the growing abolitionist movement. The title also accurately states that the issue of slavery was going to divide the Republic thus predicting the Civil War. W.S. Brown hardcover

Buddenbrooks, Inc. · États-Unis935,00 $US≈ 791,10 €

[British Empire – Mauritius – Slavery] Unknown AuthorBiblio.com

1830 Letter Written from Mauritius Describing Economic and Social Conditions on the â€œEbony Isleâ€

1830List2931MahÃ©bourg Mauritius 1830. Single unsigned fourteen-page letter measuring 8 x 12 Â¾ inches. Folded with some stains and pencil marks. Overall near fine. In 1830 Mauritius was a British colony captured from the French in 1810 during the Napoleonic Wars. It was originally a Dutch colony and the Dutch had introduced enslaved labor to the islands. Enslaved people were imported from Madagascar India and Southeast Asia to harvest the valuable ebony trees and later to farm sugarcane. It became a French colony in 1715 and among other provisions the French government awarded upper-class colonists large land grants each with twenty enslaved people to work them. Slavery was abolished in 1835 under British rule after which the planters still farming sugarcane turned to indentured servant labor from India and China alongside illegal slavery.1 Offered here is a lengthy single letter written by an unknown author to an unknown recipient from MahÃ©bourg in 1830 shortly before this radical change. The letter describes the lives and economic circumstances of the planters and merchants and of the non-white population particularly Malabar people and free and enslaved Black people. Noting that â€œevery inch of ground that will produce sugar cane is planted with itâ€ including â€œthe former fine gardens to some of the Habitationsâ€ the author reports on the situation for sugar planters: â€œThe price of sugar here is not more than 20/per Cwt. for the best quality which does not now remunerate the Planter as his expenses are becoming every day more heavy in consequence of their slaves diminishing . The want of Slaves induced many of the Planters to send for Chinese Labourers and several hundreds were imported at a great expense but unfortunately they did not answer and were obliged to be reshipped for their native Country again at the charge of those who sent for them.â€ The author later notes that â€œnearly everyone of the Planters have heavy mortgages on their Estates and are obliged to pay this immense Interest which keeps them poor and will I fear ultimately ruin themâ€. In fact the planters in British Mauritius had extra duties on their sugar exports compared with their Caribbean counterparts. The shopkeepers on the other hand â€œcalculate on retiring with a fortune in five yearsâ€“ therefore you will fancy what must be their prices also their profits.â€ Though writing from MahÃ©bourg the author describes the capital city of Port Louis at length especially its Malabar Indian and free Black residentsâ€”the lives of the latter particularly the free Black women seem especially grim. They write: â€œThe Centre of Port Louis is inhabited by all the respectable people and many most excellent houses buildingsâ€“ the Catholic Chapel the English Church amongst the number. The Suburbs to the West is the part occupied by about 3000 Malabars called â€˜Malabar Town.â€™ â€“ They are dressed mostly in white with Turbans ear rings c c and the females with ornaments in their noses and on their Toes as they generally go bare foot. â€“ Once a year they have what is called a â€˜Yamseeâ€™ or a festival in honor of Mehomet which lasts for about a fortnight during which time they seem to get no sleep a continual beating of tom toms â€“ jingling of bells â€“ carrying pagodas which are made of various coloured paper and most richly ornamented followed by all the population of their Caste with their faces daubed with red white c and which has a most ludicrous appearance. The Suburbs to the South is called â€˜black Campâ€™ â€“ the Houses being very small and poor and inhabited by all the free blacks as well as many Mulattoes. â€“ Also a certain class of females of the population of colour â€“ who are visited immediately on the Arrival of a Ship the Crews soon enquiring the way to the â€˜Camp.â€™â€ As regards relations between the races the author recounts an incident that followed the 1828 abolition of the color bar which would ostensibly give the free non-white population the same rights as the whites: â€œThe Theatre is a very good one but has been closed for several months past the Actors Actresses gone to Bourbon in consequence of the promulgation of the act â€˜causing all free people of the population of Colourâ€™ to have the same laws â€“ the same privileges as the Whitesâ€™ fearing they ought come to the Theatre which they had hitherto been forbidden thereby cause disturbances as the French Whites detest them wd. not sit in the same box it was considered best to shut the Theatre which is a great loss to the Place it being the chief public amusement and indeed the only one we have here.â€ Overall a detailed letter giving insight into life in a slave colony at a time when significant changes were on the horizon. Of interest to scholars of the colonial history of Mauritius and the second wave of British colonialism. 1 Truth and Justice Commission Report of the Truth and Justice Commission Vol. 1 Mauritius: Government Printing 2011. unknown

Auger Down Books · États-Unis950,00 $US≈ 803,80 €

[Slavery]: [Virginia]Biblio.com

Manuscript Family Record of Josiah Worrell and His Descendants Written Within a Contemporary Book Recording Births Including Four Slaves

18353546Southampton Va 1835. Fair. 8pp. of manuscript plus a loose sheet of manuscript measuring 12.5 x 4 inches written within a book on family medicine. Book disbound lacking title page and first text leaf some gatherings and leaves loose or detached. Some age toning to manuscript leaves. A unique manuscript family genealogy for the Worrell family of Virginia as recorded by several hands in the margins and blank portions of two middle pages and on a few terminal and end leaves of a contemporary copy of a sammelband of two early American imprints -- The Family Adviser 1793 and John Wesley's Primitive Physic 1795 revised and corrected and on a single folded sheet folded and laid into the book. The entries within the book detail the births of the children of Josiah and Alice Worrell and sometimes their in-laws. An example of the former: "Lewis Worrell Son of Josiah Worrell & Alice his wife was born March 7 / 1774." And an example of the latter: "Polley Worrell wife of the said Lewis Worrell was born March the 9th / 1781." The entries continue much the same with the latest-dated entry reading: "Benj. Eldridge Worrell Son of Lewis Worrell & Temperance his wife was born June 21st 1835." Sometime presumably in the 1790s a member of the family also listed out a long accounting of the births of Josiah Worrell's children on a longer piece of paper folded into the present work. Titled in manuscript "Ages of Josiah Worrell's children" this sheet again begins with Lewis Worrell and lists a total of six members of the Worrell family. Most interestingly the bottom of this sheet also contains the births of four family slaves. This listing reads as follows: "Negro Ages. Ben was born the 8th day of June 1783. Solomon was born Dec. 20th 1785. Simon was born Feby. the 14th 1790. Isam was born the 20th Dec. 1792." The inclusion of the birth dates of four slaves is highly unusual in a family record of this type but remains valuable information on the lives of these four enslaved men owned by the Worrell family. unknown

The Joe Fay Company LLC · États-Unis950,00 $US≈ 803,80 €

[Slavery]: [Missouri]Biblio.com

Three Early Court Documents Concerning the Theft of Three Slaves in Howard County Missouri

18224276Howard County Mo 1822. Good. Three documents totaling 3pp. folio the two earliest documents written on each side of the same leaf with an integral blank and attached to the third document with sealing wax each document docketed on verso. Some short separations along folds minor spotting two short tape repairs. A series of three documents recording a case of slave theft in Missouri. The plaintiff in the case George W. Hardin sues a man named Urial Bailey for stealing three slaves from the Hardin estate in Howard County Missouri. The first document is a sworn oath dated May 23 1822 by George Hardin stating that "He was lawfully possessed of the negroes.and that the same were unlawfully taken by Urial Bailey.from his properties and with out his consent within one year last past and that he is now lawfully entitled to the possession of the said negroes." The document is attested by the clerk and signed by Hardin. The second document is executed by Hardin's lawyers on the verso of his oath dated the same day and constitutes an order from the court to the Sheriff of Howard County informing him that "George W. Hardin hath come into the Circuit Court held in the town of Franklin and found sufficient sureties as well as his clamour to prosecute for a certain woman called Dolly about the age of twenty eight years also one negro boy of about the age of nine years named Nathan also one negro girl called Eliza about the age of three years all the property of the said Plaintiff.which a certain Uriel Bailey.hath taken and unjustly detains. You are hereby commanded that the said goods.be delivered to the said George W. Hardin and that.Uriel Bailey appear before the said Circuit Court to be held at the town of Franklin." The third document is executed by Hardin's lawyers on the verso of his oath dated September 1822 and lays out the facts of the case. It reads in part: "George W. Hardin by his Attorney Tompkins & French complains of Urial Bailey that he took the previously named slaves of great value. To wit of the value of fifteen hundred dollars.where fore the said Plaintiff saith that he is injured and hath sustained damages to the value of five hundred dollars and therefore he brings suit." Interestingly in this document Hardin's lawyers refer to the youngest slave Eliza as a "mulatto girl." Docketing on the integral blank attached to the oath and lawyer's document dated May 23 1822 indicate that Hardin was seeking "Replevin Damages" of $500 which the court seems to grant. The motive behind Urial or Uriel Bailey's thefts are not recorded here but the issue of slave stealing was not uncommon and had been going on in the American colonies and the fledgling United States for a long time. According to Timothy F. Reilly in "Slave Stealing in the Early Domestic Trade as Revealed by a Loyal Manservant" published in Louisiana History: The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association Vol. 55 No. 1 Winter 2004 pp.5-39: "Slave stealing plagued domestic slaveholders as far back as the colonial period when those who would unlawfully deprive a property owner of human chattel were detested as 'Negro jockeys.' Whether operating in the northern or southern colonies a 'man-stealer' lurking about either as a piratical thief or as a high-minded abolitionist was guilty of one of the worst crimes against the sanctity of property. By the 1830s man stealing reached epidemic levels in parts of the South." Despite the seeming prevalence of slave theft for a long period of time in the United States primary source records of court cases are very scarce. unknown

The Joe Fay Company LLC · États-Unis1 250,00 $US≈ 1 057,63 €

Slavery; Civil War; ConfederateBiblio.com

Civil War Forced Confederate Impressment of Slave Labor Richmond Virginia 1865

1865231171865. Civil War Black Military Slavery Virginia Confederate government imprint documenting one of the clearest bureaucratic efforts to formalize the use of enslaved labor in direct support of the Confederate war effort at the very moment of institutional collapse. Issued in Richmond Virginia in January 1865 and printed by the Confederate House of Representatives. The document responds to a congressional inquiry into the impressment of enslaved people explicitly acknowledging state-directed seizure of enslaved men for military labor. Within the text the Confederate state attempts to regulate this extraction noting limits such as "no more than one out of five male slaves between the ages specified. from any one owner" while simultaneously confirming large-scale requisitions including "5000 slaves from the State of Virginia for service with the army of Northern Virginia." The language reveals both the administrative reach of the Confederate state and its dependence on enslaved labor as a logistical backbone in the war's final phase. Octavo pamphlet measuring 9.5" x 6" 5 pages printed in Richmond Virginia January 1865. The text includes titled sections "Message of the President" "Communication from Secretary of War" "Resolution of House of Representatives" and "Response of Superintendent of Conscription" along with dated correspondence from December 1864 through January 1865. The imprint corresponds to Parrish and Willingham 2298. As a primary source the pamphlet holds substantial institutional value for collections in African American history Civil War studies and the history of slavery particularly for research into the transition from plantation labor systems to militarized coercion and the administrative mechanisms of late Confederate governance. The pamphlet is especially significant for how it exposes internal contradictions within Confederate ideology. While the Confederacy had long resisted arming or formally incorporating enslaved people in ways that might destabilize slavery this document demonstrates a late-war shift toward coercive mobilization framed as "employment" to "increase the efficiency of the army." Additional correspondence from Brig. Gen. Jno. S. Preston and Major Gen. J. L. Kemper details the mechanics of requisition emphasizing proportional seizure across slaveholders and acknowledging prior errors in impressment including the improper inclusion of enslaved people outside prescribed categories. Condition shows light toning minor spotting and edge wear consistent with age; paper remains stable with clear legible text throughout; faint institutional stamp present on front. Overall very good condition. This document underscores how the Confederate war effort relied on systems of exploitation applied to enslaved African American men. unknown

Max Rambod Inc. · États-Unis1 250,00 $US≈ 1 057,63 €

Slavery; CubaBiblio.com

Pre-Abolition Spanish Colonial Cuba Bill of Sale for 4 Enslaved Creole and African Persons 1870

1870231221870. Slavery Cuba Spanish colonial slave sale manuscript recording the transfer of four enslaved individuals in Cuba in 1870. Produced within the official bureaucratic framework of Spanish colonial governance the document reflects the legal normalization of slavery in Cuba even as abolitionist pressures mounted across the Atlantic world. The document records the sale of four enslaved people described as "criollos" and African-born individuals situating the transaction within a labor system that combined locally born and imported enslaved populations. Created at a time when Spain had formally restricted the transatlantic slave trade but continued to permit slavery itself the manuscript demonstrates the persistence of legalized human commodification and the integration of enslaved labor into the island's economic structure sixteen years prior to abolition in 1886. Official Cuban slave contract documenting the sale of four enslaved individuals to Don Pedro Catasús by Don Enfemia Ochoa for the sum of 1100 pesos on November 29 1870. Single manuscript leaf written in Spanish cursive in black ink measuring 8.25" x 12". A green "50 cs de escudo" revenue stamp is affixed at the top center with a blind embossed Spanish crest at the upper left and a circular black ink government seal impressed at the lower left. Large vertical docketing appears on the verso. A stylized watermark is visible within the paper. The text organizes the enslaved individuals within a standardized transactional structure while the signatures of Enfemia Ochoa Pedro Catasús and A. Díaz de Rada authenticate the exchange and identify participants within the slaveholding economy. By 1870 Cuba remained a central node in the late Atlantic slave system with plantation agriculture especially sugar dependent on enslaved labor despite mounting abolitionist pressure. Although Spain had curtailed official slave imports earlier in the century illegal trafficking persisted into the 1860s and other coerced labor systems including the importation of Chinese indentured workers overlapped with slavery into the 1870s. The presence of both Creole and African individuals in this document reflects the layered composition of the enslaved population during this period. Light toning scattered foxing and edge wear visible. A closed wormhole extends from the upper right margin approximately five inches into the sheet resulting in partial loss of text. Evidence of prior tape reinforcement visible on the verso along with offsetting from previously adjacent material. Overall in very good condition. This document provides named transactional evidence of late-period slavery in Cuba offering concrete material for examining race labor and legal practice within Spanish colonial society. unknown

Max Rambod Inc. · États-Unis1 250,00 $US≈ 1 057,63 €

Slavery; CubaBiblio.com

Pre-Abolition Spanish Colonial Cuba Bill of Sale for Enslaved Creole Women and Children 1870

1870231191870. Slavery Cuba Spanish colonial manuscript documenting the late persistence of slavery in Cuba recording the sale of five enslaved Creole individuals including women and children 1870. Produced within the official bureaucratic framework of Spanish colonial governance the document reflects the legal normalization of slavery in Cuba even as abolitionist pressures mounted across the Atlantic world. The presence of multiple children within the transaction underscores the hereditary nature of enslavement and the commodification of family units offering direct material evidence of how slavery functioned socially and economically in its final decades on the island. Although Spain had formally ended the transatlantic slave trade earlier in the century illegal trafficking and internal slave markets persisted and slavery itself would not be abolished in Cuba until 1886 placing this document within a crucial transitional period marked by reform debates gradual emancipation laws and continued exploitation. Official Cuban slave contract recording the sale of five enslaved individuals identified as "criollos" including one adult woman and four children from Santiago Simón Fambi to Don Pedro Catasús for the sum of 1200 pesos on November 21 1870. Single page manuscript leaf measuring 8.25" x 12". The manuscript is written in Spanish cursive hand in black ink. The upper left bears a blind embossed crest of Spain while a circular black ink government seal is impressed at the lower left partially overlapping the text. The text enumerates the enslaved individuals with ages and names embedding human lives within the formulaic language of sale and valuation while the bold signatures of both seller Santiago Simón Fambi and buyer Pedro Catasús anchor the transaction in identifiable actors within the colonial economy. By 1870 slavery in Spanish Cuba remained central to the island's plantation economy particularly in sugar production which had expanded rapidly in the mid-19th century with industrialized mills and global demand. Enslaved people were primarily forced into agricultural labor under highly regimented and brutal conditions though others were used in urban domestic service skilled trades or as hired laborers generating income for their owners. This document exhibits light toning edge wear and scattered foxing throughout. A closed wormhole extends approximately two inches from the upper right margin inward not affecting legibility of the text. Minor losses and small tears along the edges. Overall in very good condition. Given that this document records a woman and four children the family was likely intended for a combination of field labor and domestic or auxiliary work with the children gradually incorporated into plantation labor as they aged reflecting the system's reliance on both immediate exploitation and the reproduction of enslaved labor over time. unknown

Max Rambod Inc. · États-Unis1 250,00 $US≈ 1 057,63 €

Virginia SlaveryBiblio.com

African American Slavery Documentation Virginia Receipts and Tax Records Enumerating Enslaved Persons as Property 1815-1854

1815201561815. Manuscript fiscal records from antebellum Virginia demonstrate how enslaved people were formally incorporated into legal and economic systems as taxable property. These documents record enslaved individuals not as citizens but as items of assessed value within the personal property systems that structured the slave economy. Such records provide direct evidence of the bureaucratic mechanisms through which slavery functioned in the United States revealing how local governments and property holders catalogued enslaved African Americans alongside land livestock and other assets. The present group of Virginia documents dating from 1815 to 1854 records the ownership and taxation of enslaved people in Washington County during the decades preceding the Civil War. Archive of three manuscript fiscal documents from Washington County Virginia dated between 1815 and 1854. The earliest document dated 1 April 1815 records "A list of land & slaves owned by Jacob Campbell the first day of April 1815. The first district of Virginia Washington City." A second associated receipt enumerates eight enslaved persons identified by gender and age categories with assigned monetary values totaling 2170 dollars. A later tax receipt dated 1848 documents revenue obligations for Robert L. Berry and John Berry and includes "Slaves" among taxable property categories alongside horses clocks and land. The third document a tax receipt issued to Miss Francis Jane Irby in 1854 records taxable categories including "Black" titheables in addition to land salary and road levies reflecting the legal classification of enslaved African Americans within Virginia's tax system. Together the documents demonstrate the routine administrative recording of enslaved people as financial assets within county taxation and property accounting. Virginia occupied a central role in the history of American slavery. The first documented Africans arrived in the English colony of Virginia in 1619 and by the mid nineteenth century enslaved African Americans constituted a substantial portion of the state's population. By the 1860 census more than one third of Virginia's inhabitants were enslaved people whose labor sustained the agricultural economy of the region. Manuscript tax records such as these provide stark evidence of the legal and economic framework that reduced human beings to taxable property within local government systems. Three manuscript documents measuring approximately 6.75 x 2 inches to standard letter size. Original folds present with minor foxing and a small chip to the lower left corner of one document; docketing on versos; text clear and legible. Overall condition very good. unknown

Max Rambod Inc. · États-Unis1 250,00 $US≈ 1 057,63 €

[African Americana]: [Slavery]: [Restitution]Biblio.com

28th Congress 1st Session. H.R. 398. A Bill for the Relief of the Heirs and Legal Representatives of Antonio Pacheco Deceased. caption title

18445887Washington DC: June 7 1844. Very good. Broadside 12.25 x 7.75 inches. Light tanning shallow marginal chips and some fraying to left and right edges. An unrecorded slip-bill printing of a House Resolution with a phenomenal back story involving an erudite elusive and resourceful Florida slave. The slip bill authored by Howell Cobb U.S. Representative from Georgia stipulates that the Secretary of the Treasury pay the sum of five hundred dollars to the heirs and representatives of Antonio Pacheco a former resident of Florida the sum "being the price of a slave named Lewis which was sent out by the United States with the Seminole Indians and lost to his owners." That's where the plot thickens. The slave is now known to history as Luis Fatio Pacheco born in 1800 to enslaved parents on the "New Switzerland" plantation in Florida which was surrounded by a mix of Europeans Africans and Native Americans. As such Luis became fluent in several languages including Seminole which later made him a valuable asset. After a conflict with his owner Luis attempted to escape slavery in 1824 by fleeing to Spanish fisheries on Florida's Gulf Coast but he was captured by U.S. military authorities the following year. Skilled as he was in languages and literacy by the military Luis was sold in 1832 to Antonio Pacheco a Cuban merchant. After Antonio's death Luis became the property of Pacheco's widow. When tensions began to ratchet up again between American military forces and the Seminole tribe a U.S. Army officer made a deal to rent Luis from the Pacheco estate at the rate of $25 a month to take advantage of his services as an interpreter. In December 1835 Luis was accompanying a troop detachment led by Major Frances L. Dade in a march to reinforce Fort King near the present-day city of Ocala Florida. Evidently that day Luis was assigned as a scout; he has said to have attempted to warn Dade of a possible ambush by the Seminoles which went unheeded by the commander. The result is today known as the Dade Massacre in which Dade and most of his men were killed. According to the narrative provided by Luis who spoke Seminole he explained to the warriors that he was a slave and successfully pleaded for his life. Luis lived with the Seminoles as a captive for nearly two years before again managing to escape. In September 1837 Luis surrendered to the U.S. Army at Fort Peyton near St. Augustine. Soon after he was accused of collaborating with the Seminoles in the Dade Massacre. In 1841 negotiations between the US government and Seminole leader Coacoochee the Native American leader claimed Luis as his property captured in war. Coacoochee was permitted to take Luis together with other Black Seminoles to Oklahoma for resettlement. This event led to the claim by Anthony Pacheco‘s heirs for restitution of a lost slave. The Joint Committee on Claims approved the claim. Luis's story eventually became a focal point in the abolitionist argument against slavery and in 1858 Ohio representative Joshua R. Giddings published a book portraying Luis as a hero against the system. In any case the question of whether or not Luis betrayed Dade has never been completely resolved. June 7 unknown

The Joe Fay Company LLC · États-Unis1 350,00 $US≈ 1 142,23 €

Esclavage

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Siècle

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