66 592 résultats
1½ S. 4to. Inhaltsreicher Brief an den bekannten Regisseur und Theaterkritiker Gustav Hartung zum eventuell ersten Besuch Thomas Manns nach dem Kriege in Deutschland: "Die Kollegen, glauben Sie mir, waren anno 33 allesamt froh, mich los zu sein, und ich kann ihren Schmerz darüber, dass ich nun nicht wiederkommen will, keineswegs ernst nehmen. Aber das ist ja auch das allerwenigste. Der Zustand des Landes selbst macht einem Sorge. Die Hungersnot mag nicht so dramatische Formen haben, wie man erwartete, aber die allgemeine Unterernährtheit, Magerkeit, Schwäche, Apathie, Arbeitsunlust, Hoffnungslosigkeit, sind erschreckend nach allem, was ich höre. Arme Menschen! Und doch, und doch. Beschränkt sich der ärgste Jammer auf ein Jahr, zwei, drei Jahre - muss man nicht sagen, dass es immer noch eine maßvolle Sühne wäre für die ausschweifende Verschuldung? [...] Jeder, der mir wohl will, warnt mich, eine solche Reise doch ja nicht zu übereilen. Europa sei ein Graus, und in Deutschland würde ich zwischen sämtlichen Stühlen sitzen und zur Strapaze den Aerger haben [...]". - Auf Briefpapier mit gedr. Briefkopf der "Library of Congress | The Consultant in Germanic Literature". Verso gering fleckig, sonst tadellos erhalten. Die Briefe Thomas Manns. Regesten und Register. Hrsg. v. Hans Bürgin und Hans-Otto Mayer. Bearb. und hrsg. unter Mitarbeit von Yvonne Schmidlin (Frankfurt a. M., S. Fischer, 1976ff.), 46/83.
Large 4to. 2 pp. In German, to Hedwig Fischer, widow of Samuel Fischer who was Mann's publisher, on his name-imprinted stationery. He writes in part: "I just want to send you a greeting, nothing more. Hardly a day has gone by since we got the death notification in Basel, after the return trip from Lugano, without our speaking of you and your husband, and the shock that we felt at the time continues to reverberate and will for a long time. One had to be braced for this farewell, indeed, ultimately one almost had to be for it; and yet I cannot say how it moved me when it became reality. Nearly four decades of cooperation! I was very attached to the deceased. There was a placid cordiality between us, the way I have rarely experienced it in relationships with people, and hardly ever was there a superficial clouding or disgruntlement. Our characters were compatible, and I always felt that I was the born author for him and he my born publisher. I hinted at some of this in the memorial article, which probably came to your attention in the Sunday supplement of the Basler Nachrichten. It is indeed strange the way I rein in my feelings on such occasions, involuntarily suppressing them and growing cold for the sake of psychology and characterization. I'm just not a poet, but must resort to objectivity and distancing. I wouldn't be surprised if this were painful to you in this case. I am myself more satisfied with the two short pages I sent even now for the [Deutsche] Rundschau's memorial issue for [Peter] Suhrkarnp. May this issue turn out to be a very beautiful monument! From Reisiger, who will be coming to visit us in a few days, we heard that the end was gentle and without consciousness. That's fine and well. And you? How has your heart taken the separation? When one has been living side by side for so long and has shared everything! As soon as one starts thinking about life, the tears start to come. Your publishing house has brought out many beautiful and interesting things recently. Extremely interesting the book on Charlemagne. Döblin is planning an essay on it for the Sammlung, I hear, although emigrants otherwise don't like to mention German books, i.e., published in Germany. But what I read from start to finish and with quite unusual interest, was [Martin] Gumpert's Hahnemann, a life I knew hardly anything about and which in this presentation moved me deeply. Farewell, and be comforted! Give my regards to your children and grandchildren, and regards to you".
190886094s. l. s. d. [1908 ou 1919 ?] | 11.60 x 17.80 cm | 4 pages sur un feuillet remplié
8vo. 2 pp. on bifolium. To Jean Longuet, the grandson of Karl Marx: "Ignorant l'adresse exacte d'Anatole France je vous prie au nom de Maxim Gorki faire parvenir à celui-là (le plus tôt possible) les documents ci-joints, dont l'importance politique ne vous échappera pas. Avant de le faire, faites copier les deux lettres pour les insérer au Populaire selon le vœu de Gorki qui tient à ce qu'en France son appel ait sa première apparition dans notre journal. Vous pouvez publier les deux lettres le même jour que A. France les aura reçues. Le sort des soc. Révolut (Les 47 socialistes-révolutionnaires jugés à Moscou) paraît être décidé par le com. Central (comité central) des bolchévistes malgré que les communistes érangers (Zetwin, Souvarine) paraît-il, s'efforcent d'empêcher l'exécution. Mais leur opposition doit être assez faible et les bolchévistes ont déjà un plan arrêté pour la mater : Le tribunal prononcera le verdict de mort contre 22 accusés dont quelques femmes et après quelques jours d'angoisse et des démarches des éléments 'libéraux' de la Troisième (Internationale communiste) on annoncera que 17 personnes furent graciées et qu'il n'y a que cinq (les noms me sont déjà communiqués) dont une femme, qui furent exécutés. Ainsi une démarche énergique d'A. France avec qui on compte toujours à Moscou pourrait peut-être encore peser sur la balance dans un sens inverse […]". - Together with Lenin, Julius Martov founded the League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class in 1895, one of the first Russian workers' organizations. Arrested in December 1895, he was banished to Siberia from 1897 and 1900. In December 1900 he co-founded the party journal "Iskra" ("Spark"), which he edited until 1901, when he emigrated to Germany. From 1903 onwards Martov served as leader of the Mensheviks in the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party; his faction advocated reforms and a representative democracy, rather than the revolution favoured by the Bolsheviks. During the Revolution of 1905 Martov was a leader of the workers' Soviet; in 1907 he once more went into exile, only to return to Russia once more from 1917 to 1920. After a fierce altercation with Lenin over the Red Terror he turned his back on Russia for good, criticizing Bolshevist politics as the "dictatorship of a minority".
Oblong 12mo. On reverse of a photograph of a painting; with stamp of Studio Yves Hervochon. Certifiying that the painting pictured on the reverse is not in his own hand: "Je certifie que ce tableau n'est pas de moi. Selon mon droit j'en ai gratté la signature". - Accompanied by the forgery in question (an oil painting on canvas).
Small 8vo. Altogether 7 pp. on 4 double leaves. One letter to his sister (15. II. 1870), one to Sig. Nova, one to Stefano, and one to an unnamed "amici". - Accompanied by a lithographic portrait; mostly written on very thin paper with small damages to edges and traces of mounting. - Letter to the "amici" / friends from the end of the first page to the end of the letter: "Come dissi fin da quando ci vedevamo la / prima volta, non posso negare che mi sorge / spesso dentro il pensiero: 'Se vediamo che / il sorgere di Piac. presenti l'opportunità alle / città d'Italia, perché non lo potrà il sorgere di / Genova?' Non posso a meno di ripetere / questo pensiero; ma più in là non vedo. L'amico vi dirà dell'Ufficiale che lo / veduto questa mattina. Appena io abbia notizie, le avviso. Se per / caso credete di determinarvi a fare, avvertite-/mi senza indugio. Darò allora i proclami e vi / vedrò subito. Il Governo ha evidentemente paura. E non / osa appigliarsi a misure anteriormente repres-/sive. V' è agitazione, come sapete, anche nel / macinato. Il Governo nondimeno presente il moto da / parte nostra. E questo potrebbe forse modificare / il disegno e dare più importanza alla mia / idea d'assalire le ali, procacciare armi e / portar poi le forze concentrate ed eccitate da / una vittoria sul centro. Ma di questo si / parlerebbe. Vostro tutto Gius M". - "As I have said since we have met for / the first time, I cannot deny that the thought / occurs to me often: ' If we see that / the rising of Piac. shows the opportunity for / the cities of Italy, why could the rising of / Genova not do the same thing?' I cannot stop to repeat / this thought; but I do not see any more in it. The friend will let you know from the Officer that I saw him / this morning. As soon as I have news, I will let you know. In / case you believe you will make up your mind to act, let me know / without delay. I will then give a proclamation and I will / see you immediately. Obviously, the Government is afraid. And it does not / dare to cling to measures which were repres-/sive before. There is agitation, as you know, even in / the crushed. Still, the Government presents the stimulus for / us. And this could maybe change / the plan and give more importance to my / idea of attacking the wings, procuring weapons and / then leading the concentrated and excited forces to / a victory over the centre. But we will talk / about this. Yours entirely Gius M".
¾ S. auf Doppelblatt. 8vo. Mit eh. Adresse (Faltbrief). An seinen Verleger Friedrich Kistner über Korrekturen an seiner Kantate "Die erste Walpurgisnacht" (op. 60, MWV D 3): "Beiliegend die Partitur der Walpurgisnacht, die ich mit Schmerzen durchgesehn und von Henschkeschen Menschlichkeiten möglichst befreit habe. Auch die der Concert-Direction gehörigen Orchesterstimmen sende ich Ihnen hiemit; wollen Sie sie zum Stich benutzen, so müssen Sie versuchen ob Sie (der Verleger) sich mit sich (dem Concert-Director) darüber verständigen können; wo nicht, so geben Sie sie Griel, daß er sie wieder in den Schrank thut [...]". - Amadeus Eduard Anton Henschke war Mendelssohns Notenkopist in Leipzig; Griel war Konzertdiener am Leipziger Gewandhaus. Kistner selbst war "wegen seiner großen organisatorischen Fähigkeiten [...] 1835 in die Konzert-Direktion des Leipziger Gewandhauses [berufen worden], wo er das Geldwesen und die Organisation der Gewandhauskonzerte übernahm. 1843 wurde er auch Schatzmeister des von Mendelssohn begründeten Leipziger Konservatoriums und 'Deputierter aus der Klasse der Musikalienhändler' beim Buchhändler-Verein in Leipzig" (Elvers, s. u.). - Mendelssohn schrieb seine Kantate nach Goethes gleichnamiger Ballade 1831/32. "Zehn Jahre später, 1842/43, arbeitete Mendelssohn sein Werk grundlegend um. Diese zweite Fassung fand ihre Uraufführung, wie die vorige einstudiert und geleitet vom Komponisten, am 2. Februar 1843 im Leipziger Gewandhaus. Unter den Zuhörern waren Robert Schumann und Hector Berlioz, der sich besonders begeistert über das Werk äußerte. In dieser zweiten Fassung wird das Werk heutzutage üblicherweise aufgeführt" (Wikipedia). - Mit kleinem Ausriss durch Siegelbruch, dieses selbst - schwarz und mit Mendelssohns Initialen versehen - gut erhalten; leicht knittrig und eingerissen. Ediert in: Sämtliche Briefe, Bd. 9, Nr. 4057. Vgl. R. Elvers, Art. "Kistner, Friedrich", NDB XI (1977), 690.
8vo. 4 pp. on bifolium. To the German writer Louise von François (1817-93) with news about the progress of his work and from his family. As he "started much and finished little", Meyer dedicates most of the letter to family affairs, recent visitors like the author Hermann Lingg and the publisher Julius Rodenberg and his reading of Flaubert and Keller: "I recently looked at the French Flaubert who can only be interpreted in light of his newly published correspondence with George Sand [...]". - He also announces that he will visit the famous Polish writer Józef Ignacy Kraszewski in his exile in Geneva. Despite strong reservations due to Kraszewski's conviction as a French spy in Germany Meyer feels obliged to meet his old acquaintance. - Well preserved.
4to. 2 pp. Charming letter in French to his friend, the Swiss architect Alfred Roth (1903-98), thanking him for sympathetic feedback to Mondrian's unpublished text "L'Art nouveau - La Vie nouvelle" and asking for the return of the manuscript. Roth and other friends of Mondrian's like the German-Swiss art historian Carola Giedion-Welcker and the Swedish sociologist Sven Bäcklund had offered to finance the publication, but Mondrian insists that he wants to wait until he can afford it himself through the sale of paintings: "I was delighted by your letter and your appreciation, and that of the other friends gives me tremendous joy. You have very well noticed the essential: my imperturbable faith in the future, in human evolution. All the beauty of life is in there - isn't it? - I further appreciate the efforts and intentions of the friends to find the necessary means for publication but I do not wish to incommode (especially in these times) my friends or even acquaintances for a favour [chose utile]. I prefer to wait until I sell enough to cover the costs myself. Tell this to Giedion and Backlund. The publication is not so urgent. I improve my little work from time to time. For that reason, I would like to have my manuscripts back because I found some things in there that are not well or precisely expressed. But if you know and tell it to the friends you can keep them a bit longer. If Seuphor's 'Éditions nouvelles' continue to exist, they produce affordable and good editions. After all, I believe that an independent publication will be better than through Geneva. I was astonished to hear that this Spanish architect, whom I personally do not know, did not send the information. I will discuss that with my friend, the Spaniard. In my painting I make good progress. The material outlook is still poor. For everyone!" - Mondrian had worked on the book since 1929 and started to look for a publisher in 1932. It is not known whether Mondrian ever negotiated with the Belgian artist and publisher Michel Seuphor (1901-99), who was stylistically influenced by Mondrian and wrote an early biography of the master in 1956. In 1938 Mondrian finally abandoned the project, though the text was published posthumously. In a short postscript to the letter, Mondrian announces a new introduction to the book, which is also included in Louis Veen's 2017 edition of Mondrian's writings. - Traces of folds. Slightly creased with some minor tears. Piet Mondrian and Louis Veen (eds.), The complete Writings. Essays and Notes in Original Versions (2017).
8vo. 1 page on bifolium. Written in his usual turquoise ink to a "cher ami": "It is agreed for Sunday Lunch. I think I need to change my lenses. This said if you could bring some strawberries, this would make me happy. Regarding the colours, it is going very well with the new one of Guichardin. See you Sunday [...]" (translated from the French original). - Monet was losing his sight at this time and attempting to complete his water lilies series. - On headed Giverny paper, folded across.
Oblong 8vo. Autograph musical manuscript. 95 pp. (notes in four lines; pp. 96-260 empty systems only), 6 unnumbered leaves of index. Contemporary calf monogrammed in gilt "J. G. N. 1785" on upper cover. Edges sprinkled in red. A rediscovered late work: apparently the final, never completed and never published collection of 78 preludes for Protestant church songs by the highly esteemed J. G. Nicolai (cf. ADB XXIII, 593), who served as the organist at Rudolstadt for nearly forty years. The book must have served him to write down newly composed choral preludes as they were occasioned by the ecclesiastical year. The manuscript begins with "Nun komm der Heiden Heiland" for the first Sunday in Advent; Christmastime includes chorals such as "Vom Himmel hoch, da komm ich her", "In dulci jubilo", and "O Jesulein süß"; Passiontide includes "O Lamm Gottes unschuldig", "Da Jesu an dem Kreuze stund" and "O Mensch bewein dein Sünde groß". For Easter, Nicolai wrote preludes to "Christ lag in Todesbanden", "Christ ist erstanden" and "Heut' triumphieret Gottes Sohn", for Pentecost to "Komm heiliger Geist" and "Der heilige Geist hernieder". The abrupt end of the manuscript after "Nun laßt uns Gott dem Herren Dank sagen" (19th Sunday after Trinity) is undoubtedly due to the composer's final illness; the last Sundays of the ecclesiastical year are missing, though the lines of the systems have been inked in. - It cannot be determined whether the present series was intended for publication. Nicolai did publish several such collections of preludes, but this might just as well constitute a personal compilation for his own use at church services, as suggested by occasional abbreviated parts with varied figuration, likely indicating improvisation. Nicolai had already published many of the chorals for which we here find preludes in his "Vollständiges Choralbuch über die Fürstlich Schwarzburg-Rudolstädtischen Kirchengesänge" (Leipzig: Breitkopf, 1765). The attribution of the volume is secured by the cover monogram and the watermark (crowned double-headed eagle with the insignia of the Empire, based on the arms of the Princes of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt). - Binding slightly rubbed and bumped; some worming to lower cover; insignificant browning to interior. Cf. MGG IX, 1452.
Edition française par Pierre Boven, revue par l'auteur, 2 fort vol. grand in-8 reliure demi-basane noire, Librairie Payot et Cie, Lausanne, Paris, 1917 et 1919, LXII-784 pp. et 1 f. (table du volume 2 rapportée) ; XII pp., pp. 785-1762 Remarquable exemplaire dédicacé par Vilfredo Pareto à son jeune disciple français Georges-Henri Bousquet : "A M. G. H. Bousquet Témoignage d'amitié et de haute considération". Il s'agit de l'édition originale de la traduction française du Traité, publié en italien en 1916. Successeur de Léon Walras dans la chaire de Lausanne, le sociologue et économiste Vilfredo Pareto (1848-1923) reste l'un des plus fameux intellectuels de son temps. Son traité de sociologie marque une date dans la discipline, notamment dans l'étude des actions non-logiques et dans l'appréciations de ce qu'il dénomme les "résidus" : "les résidus sont des manifestations de sentiments. Les dérivations comprennent des raisonnements logiques, des sophismes, des manifestations de sentiments employées pour dériver; elles sont une manifestation du besoin de raisonner qu’éprouve l’homme. Si ce besoin n’était satisfait que par les raisonnements logico-expérimentaux, il n’y aurait pas de dérivations et à leur place, on aurait des théories logico-expérimentales. Mais le besoin de raisonnement de l’homme trouve à se satisfaire de beaucoup d’autres manières : par des raisonnements pseudo-expérimentaux par des paroles qui excitent les sentiments, par des discours vains et inconsistants; ainsi naissent les dérivations. Elles font défaut aux deux extrêmes : d’une part pour les actions instinctives, d’autre part, pour les sciences rigoureusement logico-expérimentales. On les rencontre dans les cas intermédiaires" (Traité, paragraphe 1401). L'ouvrage, en état très satisfaisant (très manipulé par G.-H. Bousquet mais bien solide, avec une fente partielle à un mors en tête et frott. en coiffe sup.) est enrichi des très nombreuses annotations du dédicataire, G.-H. Bousquet. Le professeur Georges-Henri Bousquet (1900-1978), docteur en droit en 1923 avec une thèse sur "L'évolution sociale en Hollande 1914-1922", devint un spécialiste de questions économiques, proche de Pareto et Schumpeter. Il fut également un islamisant de l'école de Goldziher et Snouck-Hugronje, professeur aux facultés d'Alger puis de Bordeaux. Il fut proche de son maître en sociologie Vilfredo Pareto, dont il servit fortement la pensée, en l'éditant et en le vulgarisant. G.-H. Bousquet entretint une correspondance avec Pareto et le visita notamment une huitaine de jours dans sa villa de Céligny (Suisse), vers Pâques 1923. Outre Pareto, G.-.H. Bousquet connut personnellement d'aussi grands noms de la pensée économique que Joseph Schumpeter (professeur à Harvard où, grâce à la fondation Rockfeller, G.-H. Bousquet fit un séjour de recherche dans les années 1933-1934.), Irving Fisher ou Albert Aupetit, le disciple de Léon Walras. Le nom du Professeur Bousquet est cité plusieurs fois par Schumpeter dans sa monumentale Histoire de l’Analyse Economique. Français
Large 8vo. ¾ pp. on bifolium. To an unidentified recipient, on how to prevent the spread of rabies: "La loi est formelle. Tout chien mordu par un chien rabique doit être abbatu. Je le vaccinerais que [si] je ne pourrais le rendre à son propriétaire. | L. Pasteur". - Top of fol. 2 with small traces of mounting, otherwise in splendid condition.
Large 4to. Altogether 3 pp. on 2 ff. Comprehensive letters to the German artist Irmgard Hasenbach-Tavolato (née Seeling, 1899-1978), on the loss of his work (1948) and an exhibition (1952): "At least life is saved, although everything else is lost. What hurts me most, is the loss of my work, whole periods from 1905 onwards were smashed, a vast number of drawings irretrievably lost [...]" (Berlin, 31. III. 1948). - "Luckily all this fuss is now behind me. It proved very difficult to assemble all the necessary pictures for the exhibition, for most of my work has been lost. During the three weeks of the exhibition there were more than 6000 visitors, but nothing sold, not a single sheet - the people need their money for the bare necessities of life [...]" (15. III. 1952).
4to. ½ p. Confirms the receipt of 100 Lira for exequies to four choirs in memory of Count Filippo Pepoli's soul: "Io sottoscritto ho ricevuto dal Sig. Girolamo Rossi Lire cento quattrini, sono per l'essequie sollenni fatte à quattro cori in S. Dom[eni]co per l'anima del già [...] Co. Filippo Pepoli / dico L. 100". - Captioned by a former collector and numbered in pencil: "No. 136"; centerfold.
Title page, 23 numbered pp. on 23 ff; half-title, pp. 24-78 on 55 ff. Blue ink on one-sided checked paper; proof reader's corrections in pencil. Spiral-bound cardboard wrappers, inscribed "Francis Poulenc I - Chabrier". Small 4to. One of only a few literary manuscripts by the eminent French composer, extremely rare in trade. In this paper, which appeared in 1961 at La Palatine publishers, Paris-Genève, Poulenc compresses, as he writes in the preface, "une véritable passion" that he felt from adolescence onwards for Chabrier's music, into a memorial full of warmth, enthusiasm, and linguistic beauty. - The present ms. comprises the preface, the introduction "Portrait de Chabrier", and Chapters I and II (cf. pp. 1-78 in the printed version); Chapters III and IV (in the book pp. 80-119) might have filled another, clearly thinner quarto issue, the whereabouts of which are unknown today and are not established by MGG or New Grove.
Ca. 26 SS. auf 19 Bll. Folio und qu.-8vo. Mit 16 eh. adr. Kuverts und 19 Beilagen (s. u.). Eine Sammlung von sehr ausführlichen, vertrauten und humorvollen Schreiben an eine Brigitte Schalk, alle geschrieben in der Strafanstalt Graz-Karlau, wo Proksch seit 1992 seine Haftstrafe wegen sechsfachen Mordes im Fall Lucona verbüßte. Einige der Briefe sind mit Edelweiß, abgeschnittenen Barthaaren u. a. ausgestaltet. - Zu den Beilagen gehören neun von Proksch auf der Verso-Seite mit Post-it markierte und beschriebene Privataufnahmen (teils original und teils spätere Abzüge von Originalen), die u. a. Udo und Rüdiger Proksch daheim in Rostock zeigen, Udo als Schüler der NAPOLA und als Studenten der Akademie für angewandte Kunst, und Proksch erste Gattin Erika Pluhar samt der gemeinsamen, damals etwa dreijährigen Tochter Anna. - Unter den sonstigen Beilagen finden sich zwei rückseitig bezeichnete Postkarten, ein Papieretui mit einem Edelweiß, eine mit Kugelschreiber und Farbstift ausgeführte, recht assoziativ anmutende Zeichnung, ein rund um einen Computerausdruck geschriebener Brief, in dessen Mitte Proksch zusammen mit Helmut Qualtinger als Eulensammler zu sehen ist, sowie zwei originelle, von Proksch knapp kommentierte pornographische Ausschnitte.
352 Schreiben mit über 900 SS. auf 537 Bll. sowie rund 70 SS. Nachschriften von Marie bzw. Johann Radon. Mit einigen Beilagen (s. u.). Umfangreiche Korrespondenzsammlung des österreichischen Mathematikers und seiner engsten Familie, Gattin (und Cousine) Marie (geb. Rigele) und Tochter Brigitte (1924-2020), aus den ersten Nachkriegsjahren, die die Familie von Breslau über Innsbruck - wo Brigitte bei Wolfang Gröbner Mathematik studieren und 1951 promovieren sollte - nach Wien führten, wo Johann im Oktober 1946 zum Professor am Mathematischen Institut der Wiener Universität ernannt wurde. Zu der Zeit waren Brigittes drei Brüder längst verstorben: Radons erster Sohn starb zwölf Tage nach seiner Geburt i. J. 1917, Hermann, geboren 1918, starb 1939 nach schwerer Krankheit, und Ludwig, geboren 1919, starb1943 im Zweiten Weltkrieg im Rußlandfeldzug nach einem Lungendurchschuss. Es nimmt nun nicht Wunder, daß diese über Jahre hinweg dezimierte Familie um so enger zusammenrückte und die räumlich bedingte Entfernung in den ersten Nachkriegsjahren durch Briefe überbrückt wurde. So erfährt man neben häuslichem Klatsch und Tratsch viel über den Vorlesungs- und Universitätsbetrieb in Wien ("Von meiner Antrittsvorlesung soll ich Dir auch noch schreiben: ich hab zuerst ein paar Erinnerungen an meine Studienzeit ausgekramt und dann als Einleitung zur Differentialgeometrie etwas über die Krümmung von Kurven, Flächen u. Räumen erzählt" (24. IV. 47, 156), seine hiesigen Kollegen (In Wien […] lesen außer mir Hofreiter (Diff. u. Int. R., part. Diff.-gln), Hlawka (Algebra) u. Hornich (Funkt.-Theorie)", 10. VII. 47, 171) oder den Doktorvater seiner Tochter ("Hoffentlich ist Gröbner endlich einmal zufrieden!" (o. D., 181). Beherrschendes Thema der ersten Jahre sind freilich die mannigfachen Schwierigkeiten bei der Suche nach Wohnung Lebensmitteln, Brennstoff ("Auf die Kohlenkarte gab es jetzt 100 kg Briketts, das ist doch immerhin ein Anfang" (o. D., 193) und vor allem Tabak: "Wenn Du wieder Deine Karte nicht ganz für eigene Zwecke benötigst, so kannst du mir Zigarren (Pagat à 50g, 4 auf einen Punkt!) besorgen, das kommt billiger u. ist mir lieber. Ich nehme auch gern die III-er Zigaretten, falls die bei Deinen Kundschaften keinen Anwert finden sollten!" (o. D., 194). Gelegentlich unterstützt Johann seine Tochter auch bei der Lösung mathematischer Fragen (21. VI. 47, 186) und gibt ihr Tipps zur Absolvierung der ungeliebten Philosophieprüfung: "Schau einmal in der Seminarbibliothek nach, ob die 'klassischen Stücke der Mathematik' von Speiser da sind, da steht ziemlich am Anfang eine Stelle aus Plato mit mathematischem Inhalt (Länge der Quadratdiagonale), vielleicht kannst Du das bei der Prüfung anbringen, dann hast Du wenigstens etwas von einem griechischen Philosophen gelesen!!" (25. XI. 48, 167). - Neben den Briefen der Kernfamilie finden sich auch einige von Brigittes Großmutter Elise, Brigittes Mann, dem Mathematiker und späteren Rektor der TH Wien, Erich Bukovics, und dem Tenor Julius Patzak, mit dem Brigitte freundschaftlich verbunden war. Abgerundet wird die Sammlung durch verschiedene Lebensdokumente, darunter beglaubigte Abschriften von Anton Radons (Johanns Vater) Totenschein, Johanns und Maries Trauungsschein, Geburts- und Sterbeurkunden der Söhne, Taufregisterauszüge, Impfscheine, Zeugnisse u. a. sowie durch zwei Schallplatten und 20 tls. gewidmete Bücher und Broschüren aus dem Besitz Brigitte Radons.
8vo. 2 pp. on bifolium. With autograph address on verso. To Jean-Baptiste Quinquin in Avignon, who had caused him worries about obtaining a loan of 2,620 livres from his estate administrator Gaspard-François-Xavier Gaufridy, letting him know he just received the funds, certain that the emigration of his landlord Riper, as well as the seizing of the property, will not prevent him from retrieving what is rightfully his, and mentioning a bank account in Lyon: "Je ne vous ecris qu'un mot pour vous dire que vous venez de me mettre dans une mortelle inquiétude relativement à ce que vous me marqués de Gauffridi [...] je venois de recevoir une de lui, dans laquelle il avait placé les 2620 livres que je lui demandois ainsi qu'à vous [...] Il me semble que l'émigration de Ripert et la saisie de ses biens n'empeche pas que je ne doive retirer du mien ce qui m'appartient très certainement. Il m'est du de cette partie, et vous m'obligerés sensiblement d'en raisoner un peu avec Gauffridi qui compte beaucoup sur cet objet pour me compter mon quartier prochain. Engagés le de même à finir les comptes de Lions qui, me mande-t-on, a de l'argent à moi [...]". - About his plans to sell his property in Mazan in order to buy a house in Paris, mentioning a ridiculously low offer for the Mazan house, and concluding with a request to ask his aunt Henriette-Victoire de Sade, marquise de Villeneuve, for a loan of 40,000 francs: "L'offre qu'on fait de la maison de Mazan, la plus belle de la ville sans doute, est complètement ridicule [...] Ce qu'il y a de bien sur, c'est que je ne le laisserai surement pas à ce prix là. Si je trouvais un bon prix de toute la terre de Mazan, assurément, je le vendrois volontiers, pour acheter ici, où je puis faire une excellente acquisition [...] Je vous recommande vivement aussi mes intérêts près de ma tante, assurément il ne tient qu'a elle de me prêter la somme de quarante mille francs dont j'ai besoin [...]". - A brief autograph note by Quinquin on verso, summarizing the letter.
8vo. 4pp (letter) and 13 pp. (mscpt.). With original envelope. To Madame Charles de Gallaud. The gift of an autograph manuscript of the composer's lecture on La Fontaine's Fables replete with additions and deletions to an admiring patron. In his letter, Saint-Saëns writes in part: Since this manuscript has the honor of being desired by you, I am only too happy to offer it to you. I am giving it to you without pride, with its deletions and additions and even with the copy of the 'Fables' which I made to make up for the lack of a prompter; and experience has shown me that I did right, and that without that I would have been too brief; and I understood the absolute necessity for a prompter at the theater even for the actors most sure of their parts, despite the prodigious memory of most of them. This attempt at a meeting was well received, but I would not make myself a lecturer, it is too late. However, God knows if I should have anything to say about music! But many of the things which I should want to say cannot be said. Bad habits in music become widespread and one would have to criticize everyone! What to do, one against all! The task is impossible. And I would become the target of too many enemies [...]" (transl. from the French original). - In his manuscript, Saint-Saëns writes that instead of playing the piano, he is giving a lecture, but not at Madame Brisson's Annals in Paris, where he would feel outclassed, but in Algiers, where he has so often taken shelter from the winter and which has saved his life several times. "And now the war is over, it is permitted to have a little amusement". The talk will not be about music, but on La Fontaine's Fables, which he has loved since childhood, but has only come to understand upon constant re-reading. He speaks of La Fontaine's facility with verse, which is deceptive and "thanks to his musical ear, the harmony and equilibrium are such that one doesn't even notice the diversity of rhythms; he leads us whenever he likes, and we follow". He continues with a discussion of La Fontaine's morality and his keen eye for nature and art. He concludes: "La Fontaine did not just know how to paint, he knew how to observe; he studied nature, and he saw what others could not see. In the seventeenth century, in the age of Descartes, animals were thought to have no intelligence. La Fontaine dared to think otherwise, even if he did use animals to illustrate people's behavior". - Saint-Saens proceeds to recite two of La Fontaine's fables in closing. An important letter and manuscript revealing the composer's great interest and his admiration of La Fontaine.
12mo. 1 p. With autograph address. In French. Beautiful pneumatic letter to the conductor Roger Désormière written two days after the scandalous premiere of the ballet Mercure with instructions for the third performance. Satie asks Désormière to return to the original version of the premiere "without the repetitions of the music while waiting for the sets", as he is "the one who pays the price for this waiting time" because "many people believe" that Satie's "music is the cause of these false intermissions - & and they 'fulminate', the very good people". He even concedes to his vocal critics: "Yes... They are right, in fact". In a charming postscriptum, Satie thanks Désormière and congratulates him on the last night's performance: "Thank you for your dedication. You are a 'chic guy' ... Very successful last night!" (transl.). - With Satie's music, stage and costume design by Pablo Picasso, and a choreography by Léonide Massine who would also dance the principal role, Mercure was supposed to be the much-needed hit for Étienne de Beaumont's ballet company Soirées de Paris. However, the premiere provoked a theatrical scandal, as different cultural factions of the Parisian avantgarde clashed in the audience. Most notoriously, the Surrealists led by André Breton and Louis Aragon tried to win over Picasso and took aim at Satie for having criticized Breton's attempt to overthrow Tzara as leader of the Dadaists. The ballet had scarcely begun when the Surrealists started chanting "Bravo Picasso! Down with Satie!" from the back of the theatre. Darius Milhaud began to argue with the Breton group, Satie fans voiced their support, and a handful of people approached Picasso's box, hurling insults at him. Police were called to restore order before the performance could continue. While the following five performances of Mercure passed without incident, the reception of the ballet and particularly of Satie's music was cold and would have a lasting negative effect on his posthumous reputation. Mercure is the least known of Satie's three ballets and little performed, even if the music has been revaluated since the scandalous premiere. - Roger Désormière (1898-1963) joined the Ballets Russes as principal conductor in 1925. He kept Satie's ballet music in his repertoire. - Traces of folds and somewhat creased. Correspondance presque complète, no. 1114.
A ms. workbook; 4 bracelets; 3 brooches; a pendant; a typed letter signed; a typed airmail envelope. Comprises: Emilie Schindler's manuscript workbook containing 60 pp. of German-Spanish translation notes, made in preparation for the Schindlers' move to Argentina in 1949, along with other notes; a collection of jewellery comprising four bracelets, three brooches and one pendant from the collection of Emilie Schindler; an airmail envelope sent from Oskar to Emilie Schindler, dated 2 July 1957; a typed letter signed by Emilie Schindler, dated 11 June 1997, to the General Consul Dieter Koepke in Bonn, asking for legal assistance from the German consulate in Buenos Aires. - Together with her husband Oskar, Emilie Schindler (née Pelzl) helped to save the lives of at least 1,200 Jews during World War II by employing them in his enamelware and munitions factories, providing them immunity from the Nazis. She was recognized as Righteous Among the Nations by Israel's Yad Vashem in 1994. - Provenance: From the estate of Emilie Schindler and thence by descent.
Calling card format. 1 page. To the musical writer and musician August Schmidt (1808-91), in German, on the verso of his printed visiting card, introducing a musician named Puyn visiting from Amsterdam. - "64" written in unknown hand at upper right of printed side.
5 SS. Tinte auf Papier. Geheftet. Qu.-Folio. Psalm 26, komponiert für Singstimme und Klavierbegleitung: "Richte mich o Ewiger". - Stadler zählte zu den prominentesten Persönlichkeiten des Wiener Musiklebens an der Wende vom 18. zum 19. Jahrhundert; er war mit Mozart, Haydn, Beethoven und Schubert befreundet und verfasste zahlreiche Schriften über Mozart, dessen Nachlass er gemeinsam mit Georg Nikolaus Nissen ordnete. - Im Rand eigenh. Echtheitsbestätigung (um 1880) durch den Komponisten Josef Venantius von Wöss (1863-1943): "Comp. von Hrn. Abbé Max. Stadler. / Des unsterblichen Tondichters eigene Handschrift" sowie "Autograph". Sehr selten; seit 1950 kein einziges Autograph des Komponisten im Handel nachweisbar.
8vo. 3 pp. on 3 ff. A sharp letter revealing Stanley's sensitivity to cultures other than his own and his desire to impart this on others. To Robert Stein, criticizing his correspondent's remarks about the French, Germans, Americans and the English: "It is impossible to read your article without coming to the conclusion that you are an accomplished writer, & I feel immensely flattered at being asked to endorse what has been so ably & eloquently argued. I am sorry however to say that my rude common sense prevents me from approving your suggestion. I am neither pro-German, or pro-French and I distinctly see that the ideas you broach will not please Frenchmen nor indeed any American or Englishman who is of clean unbiassed mind, & I doubt, whether the higher class of Germans will regard them as wise. I cannot divest my mind quite from the suspicion that there is some irony concealed in your proposals, & if I were a Frenchman I feel I should be furiously angry. You may be innocent of all intention to provoke Frenchmen, but it is too evident your exaggerated ideas of German[y] might border perilously near being offensive. If America talked of American projects with such exaggerated insinuation of her power, & her wealth &c, she would be simply insufferable, & no lover of Germany would care to put ideas in her mouth which would estrange the good will of every nation. Germany is too rich & powerful to need such language to impress her greatness & her value as one of the foremost among the nations. As yet she feels the need of more land, but if out of inordinate conceit she proclaims her greedy love of it & wantonly promotes discord to indulge it, she will end in making herself as detested as the French did previous to 1870-71 [...]". - On his imprinted stationery; very scattered spotting.